He had a lust for life... and for freedom. His biggest asset was his spirit of camaraderie. The first official biography of Bhagat Singh by Malwinder Jit Singh Waraich brings forth the little known details of the unrelenting revolutionary, the caring son, the loyal friend and the ‘ordinary’ man who relished the simple pleasures of life writes Aditi Tandon
The biographer Malwinder Jit Singh Waraich at his home in Saketri — by Parvesh Chauhan
The book has reproduced about 50 original photographs of Bhagat Singh, his family and other close associates. This rare photo shows the martyr in CID custody (May-June 1927)
In the backdrop: Bhagat Singh as a boy. From left: Arjan Singh (grandfather) and Kishan Singh (father)
LAST year on Kakori Day (December 19) Bhagat Singh quietly came alive in the utterances of Malwinder Jit Singh Waraich from Chandigarh. The 78-year-old chronicler of the revolutionary movement told overwhelming tales about the lives of Bhagat Singh and his companions. Among them were Ram Prasad Bismil and Ashfaqullah of the Hindustan Republican Army (HRA), who kissed the gallows on December 19, 1927, a day Bhagat Singh never failed to commemorate all his life.
For Waraich, there couldn’t have been a better day than December 19 for the dedication of Bhagat’s first official biography to the nation. "I still see Bhagat, Rajguru and Sukhdev projecting pictures of the Kakori martyrs on the magic lanterns. So religious they were in paying respects to the martyrs that in 1928 they observed it three days earlier, on December 16. A day later they were to kill the SSP of Lahore, and they were aware of the impossibility of their return," says Waraich, fresh from his decades-long research on Bhagat, whom he approaches as a friend rather than a historian.
That’s what makes Waraich’s Bhagat Singh: The Eternal Rebel, published by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting and released recently at Delhi by Information Minister Priyaranjan Das Munshi, special. For one, it doesn’t attempt to interpret or idolise the martyr. "Bhagat was one of us. I showed him as he was — a sensitive child anguished by the Jallianwala Bagh massacre, a doting son, a loyal friend and an unswerving revolutionary," says Waraich, terming camaraderie as the martyr’s biggest asset.
In his book, Waraich celebrates the sublime comradeship of martyrs and shows how they viewed success as the victory of collective wisdom. For instance, he mentions that Bhagat and other members of Hindustan Socialist Republican Army (HSRA) trusted Bhagwati Charan Vohra to write the organisation’s most vital documents — the manifesto and "Philosophy of the Bomb". This when Vohra was not even a formal member of HSRA; he was a friend and that sufficed.
For Waraich, the experience of living these friendships was precious: "As I wrote about Bhagat, I woke up to the fact that he was not the lone victor in his mission, as believed. Comrades were together in triumph," says Waraich, whose work could be vital for many reasons. One, it relies not on hearsay but on accounts of Bhagat’s life by his family, most importantly his mother Vidyawati, whom Waraich knew personally. Two, Waraich dwells on other primary sources like accounts of family historian and Bhagat Singh’s niece Verinder Sandhu, his friends Shiv Verma and Jaidev Kapoor. With these writings as tools, Waraich resurrects the martyr in flesh and blood. Among modern writers, he relies on A.G. Noorani.
The most touching references come from Bhagat’s family, whom the author has known since 1963 when he first met Vidyawati, courtesy his student Jagmohan. "Jagmohan is the son of Bhagat’s sister Amar Kaur. I met him in the 1960s at Guru Nanak Engineering College, where I taught humanities. Our bond led to my first visit to Bhagat’s ancestral village Khatkar Kalan to meet Bhagat’s mother," recalls Waraich.
Vidyawati remained close to Waraich’s family till her death in June 1975. Before she died, she shared with Waraich intimate accounts of her son, his playful ways and firm ideals. The book reproduces Vidyawati’s reminiscences: "Bhagat used to say he would bring home a charming bride; he brought one in the form of freedom. He would also tell me not to come to receive his body. He loved me, contrary to the belief that his life of total dedication to the revolution had no space for love. He also loved his friends."
Bhagat Singh’s mother Vidyawati
To learn more about the martyr, the biography depends on memoirs of martyrs while they were in direct contact with Bhagat. For details on Bhagat’s life at National College, Lahore, Waraich relies on Sinhavlokan, memoirs of Yashpal, Bhagat’s college friend. For conflicts related to Bhagat’s marriage, Waraich refers to Verinder Sandhu’s work. Importantly, the author also fixes for the first time dates, places and persons involved in events that shaped Bhagat’s life. For instance, he trails the life of Bhagat after he left home for Kanpur to stay with Shiv Verma at the DAV College. To fix these dates, he refers to the evidence which the college head clerk gave to the court in the Lahore Conspiracy trial.
Interesting also is the way Waraich celebrates the writings of Bhagat’s friends Shiv Verma, Jaidev Kapoor and others. In doing so, he revives books like Sansmritiyan by Verma and Yash ki Dharohar by Bhagwan Mahore, which are either unavailable now or out of circulation.
Waraich reproduces in his work over 50 original photographs of Bhagat, his family and friends. "Adding visual appeal was important considering that Bhagat loved pictures. Whenever he used to send his articles on martyrs for publication to Maharathi, a Hindi periodical, he would request for the publication of their pictures," says Waraich. The most important picture Waraich reproduces is the one taken by the police secretly at the time of Bhagat’s first arrest in May 1927. It captures DSP Gopal Singh in conversation with Bhagat. "The picture had gone out of circulation. Its half version was available in which Bhagat is seen sitting alone. I retraced the original to Gurbachan Bhullar, former editor, Punjabi Tribune," says Waraich, for whom the book was a process of discovery.
During the course of his writing, he traced new facts about the martyr, who relished ghee and milk and had a regular account with a sweet vendor at Lahore’s Anarkali bazaar. As a student, Bhagat loved history and political science but was weak in English. Soon, he mastered the language to an extent that his comrades trusted no one but him to represent them.
The biography relates to Bhagat’s anguish over people’s indifference to the sacrifices of Kakori martyrs. Even after the killing of J.P. Saunders, Bhagat and his friends reflected for long over the reason they were failing to awaken the masses. Waraich tracks this period (early 1929) and shows how the martyrs abhorred violence.
So much so that they reversed the old strategy of targeting others and decided to risk their lives. That’s how the plan to drop the bomb at central assembly was made. "This was a strategic masterstroke. It brought Bhagat from the margins to the centrestage. The media which ignored Bhagat post Saunder’s murder were now hankering after him. In one stroke, the martyrs had conveyed their message," explains the author.
Waraich manages to bust some myths about Bhagat Singh, the first being: "there were many turning points in the martyr’s life and the martyr was extraordinary". The author says, "There was in fact continuity in what Bhagat did. Changes in his life were imperceptible and he was not extraordinary but a simple man. He sold newspapers for a living, helped flood victims at Kanpur, even worked as a school headmaster," says Waraich, refuting another view which communists hold. They say Bhagat while still out of jail was not a communist as he did not have any communist literature to study. "That’s not true. Bhagat had both the opportunity to study as well as absorb Marxism. He even gifted the Das Kapital to Bhagwan Mahore who states so in his writings," Waraich says.
In Sansmritiyaan, Verma mentions an episode where he is upset at being left out of the team formed to rescue Bismil. Consoling him, Bhagat says, "Every soldier’s top preference is the battlefield. Yet some of us will have to abandon this passion for action. It is true that the glory of martyrdom goes to those who involve themselves in actions but their position is like that of the gem plastered on the door of a building whose real worth is nothing as compared to the ordinary stone in the foundation`85Our movement has earned only gems so far; it has not gathered foundation stones`85"
The book is laced with anecdotes that reflect Bhagat’s casual yet firm ways "He believed the Irish revolutionary Winey who said no revolution could succeed whose leaders lacked a sense of humour. Bhagat had this quality in plenty. He could joke in the face of death," says the author, recounting the day when Bhagat and BK Dutt were to leave for dropping the bomb in the assembly.
Even in that grave moment, Bhagat had the presumptuousness to pause by Jaidev and give him the brand new shoes and watch he was wearing: "The police will take these away. It’s better you use them," he said. Taking life in his stride, Bhagat Singh was a man like any other, lusting for freedom like anyone else.
Bhagat’s last meeting with comrades sums up his lust for life. When asked by Shiv Verma if he was sorry to die, Bhagat replied: "When I set my foot on the path of revolution, I thought if I could spread the slogan of Inquilab Zindabad to every corner of India. Today when I am behind bars, I can hear the roaring sound of that slogan`85. What more price could there be for so short a life?" A life so short has inspired yet another account of the martyr — a truly intimate and all-encompassing one this time.
Showing posts with label BHAGAT SINGH. Show all posts
Showing posts with label BHAGAT SINGH. Show all posts
Saturday, January 5, 2008
Wednesday, December 19, 2007
Itroduction to Dream Land
Lala Ram Saran Das was convicted for life in 1915 in the first Lahore Conspiracy Case. While in Salem Central Prison, Madras presidency, he wrote a book in verse entitled Dream. After his release in the mid-twenties he contacted Bhagat Singh and Sukhdev and became active in the HSRA. He was arrested again in connection with the second LCC. This time he wavered and accepted king's pardon. Soon he realised the mistake and retracted his statement. He was charged of perjury and convicted for two years which was subsequently reduced to six months in appeal. It was during this conviction that he passed on his manuscript to Bhagat Singh for an introduction. In this article Bhagat Singh, while appreciating the spirit behind Ram Saran Das's work, has criticised his utopian approach to the problems of revolution. He has also expressed himself on such subjects as God, religion, violence and non-violence, spiritualism, literature, poetry, etc. ]
My noble friend, L. Ram Saran Das, has asked me to write an introduction to his poetical work, 'The Dreamland'. I am neither a poet nor a literature, neither am I a journalist nor a critic. Hence, by no stretch of imagination can I find the justification of the demand. But the circumstances in which I am placed do not afford any opportunity of discussing the question with the author arguing back and forth, and thereby do not leave me any alternative but to comply with the desire of my friend.
As I am not a poet I am not going to discuss it from that point of view. I have absolutely no knowledge of metre, and do not even know whether judged from metrical standard it would prove correct. Not being a literature I am not going to discuss it with a view of assigning to it its right place in the national literature.
I, being a political worker, can at the utmost discuss it only from that point of view. But here also one factor is making my work practically impossible or at least very difficult. As a rule the introduction is always written by a man who is at one with the author on the contents of the work. But, here the case a quit different. I do not see eye to eye with my friend on all the matters. He was ware of the fact that I differed from him on many vital points. Therefore, may writing is not going to be an introduction at all. It can at the utmost amount to a criticism, and its place will be at the end and not in the beginning of the book.
In the political field 'The Dreamland' occupies a very important place. In the prevailing circumstance it is filling up a very important gap in the movement. As a matter of fact all the political movements of our country that have hitherto played any important role in our modern history, had been lacking the ideal at the achievement of which they aimed. Revolutionary movement is no exception. In spite of all my efforts, I could not find any revolutionary party that had clear ideas as to what they were fighting for, with the exception of the Ghadar Party which, having been inspired by the USA form of government, clearly stated that they wanted to replace the existing government by a Republican form of government. All other parties consisted of men who had but one idea, i.e., to fight against the alien rulers. That idea is quite laudable but cannot be termed a revolutionary idea. We must make it clear that revolution does not merely mean an upheaval or a sanguinary strife. Revolution necessarily implies the programme of systematic reconstruction of society on new and better adapted basis, after complete destruction of the existing state of affairs (i.e., regime).
In the political field the liberals wanted some reform under the present government, while the extremists demanded a bit more and were prepared to employ radical means for the same purpose. Among the revolutionaries, they had always been in favour of extreme methods with one idea, i.e., of overthrow the foreign domination. No doubt, there had been some who were in favour of extorting some reforms through those means. All these movement cannot rightly be designated as revolutionary movement.
But L. Ram Saran Das is the first revolutionary recruited formally in the Punjab by a Bengali absconder in 1908. Since then he had been in touch with the revolutionary movements and finally joined the Ghadar Party but retaining his old ideas that people held about the ideal of their movement. It has another interesting fact to add to its beauty and value. L. Ram Saran Das was sentenced to death in 1915, and the sentence was later on commuted to life transportation. Today, sitting in the condemned cells myself, I can let the readers know as authoritatively that the life imprisonment is comparatively a far harder lot than that of death. L. Ram Saran Das had actually to undergo fourteen years of imprisonment. It was in some southern jail that he wrote this poetry. The then psychology and mental struggle of the author has stamped its impressions upon the poetry and makes it all the more beautiful and interesting. He had been struggling hard against some depressing mood before he had decided to write. In the days when many of his comrades had been let off on undertakings and the temptation had been very strong for everyone and for him, too and when the sweet and painful memories of wife and children had added more to the work. Hence, we find the sudden outburst in the opening paragraph:
"Wife, children, friends that me surround
Were poisonous snakes all around."
He discusses philosophy in the beginning. This philosophy is the backbone of all the revolutionary movement of Bengal as well as of the Punjab. I differ from him on this point very widely. His interpretation of the universe is teleological and metaphysical, which I am a materialist and my interpretation of the phenomenon would be causal. Nevertheless, it is by no means out of place or out of date. The general ideal that are prevailing in our country, are more in accordance with those expressed by him. To fight that depressing mood he resorted to prayers as is evident that the whole of the beginning of the book is devoted to God, His praise, His definition. Belief in God is the outcome of mysticism which is the natural consequence of depression. That this world is 'Maya' or Mithya', a dream or a fiction, is clear mysticism which has been originated and developed by Hindu sages of old ages, such as Shankaracharya and others. But in the materialist philosophy this mode of thinking has got absolutely no place. But this mysticism of the thinking has got absolutely no place. But this mysticism of the author is by no means ignoble or deplorable. It has its own of them are doing very productive labour. The only difference that the socialist society expects is that the mental workers shall no longer be regarded superior to the manual workers shall no longer be regarded superior to the manual workers.
L. Ram Saran Das's idea about free education is really worth considering, and the socialist government has adopted somewhat the same course in Russia.
His discussion about crime is really the most advanced school of thought. Crime is the most serious social problem which needs a very tactful treatment. He has been in jail for the better part of his life. He has got the practical experience. At one place he employs the typical jail terms, 'the light labour, the medium labour and the hard labour', etc. Like all other socialists he suggests that, instead of retribution, i.e., retaliation the reformative theory should form the basis of punishment. Not to punish but to reclaim should be the guiding principle of the administration of justice. Jails should be reformatories and not veritable hells. In this connection the readers should study the Russian prison system.
While dealing with militia he discusses war as well. In my opinion war as an institution shall only occupy a few pages in the Encyclopaedia then, and war materials shall adorn the no conflicting or diverse interests that cause war.
At the utmost we can say that war shall have to be retained as an institution for the transitional period. We can easily understand if we take the example of the present-day Russia. There is the dictatorship of the proletariat at present. They want to establish a socialist society. Meanwhile they have to maintain an army to defend themselves against the capitalist society. But the war-aims would be different. Imperialist designs shall no more actuate our dreamland people to wage wars. There shall be no more war trophies. The revolutionary armies shall march to other lands not to rulers down from their thrones and stop their blood-sucking exploitation and thus to liberate the toiling masses. But, there shall not be the primitive national or racial hatred to goad our men to fight.
World-federation is the most popular and immediate object of all the free thinking people, and the author has well dilated on the subject, and his criticism of the so-called League of Nations is beautiful.
In a footnote under stanza 571 (572) the author touches, though briefly, the question of methods. He says: "Such a kingdom cannot be brought about by physical violent revolutions. It cannot be forced upon society from without. It must grow from within. . . . This can be brought about by the gradual process of Evolution, by educating the masses on the lines mentioned above", etc. This statement does not in itself contain any discrepancy. It is quite correct, but having not been fully explained, is liable to crate some misunderstanding, or worse still, a confusion. Does it mean that L. Ram Saran Das has realised the futility of the cult of force? Has he become an orthodox believer in non-violence? No, it does not mean that.
Let me explain what the above quoted statement amounts to. The revolutionaries know better than anybody else that the socialist society cannot be brought about by violent means, but that it should grow and evolve from whitin. The author suggests education as the only weapon to be employed. But, everybody can easily realise that the present government here, or, as a matter of fact, all the capitalist governments are not only not going to help any such effort, but on the contrary, suppress it mercilessly. Then, what will his 'evolution' achieve? We the revolutionaries are striving to capture power in our hands and to organize a revolutionary government which should employ all its resources for mass education, as is being done in Russia today. After capturing power, peaceful methods shall be employed for constructive work, force shall be employed to crush the obstacles. If that is what the author means, then we are at one. And I am confidant that it is exactly this what he means.
I have discussed the book at great length. I have rather criticised it. But, I am not going to ask any alteration in it, because this has got its historical value. These were the ideas of 1914-15 revolutionaries.
I strongly recommend this book to young men in particular, but with a warning. Please do not read it to follow blindly and take for granted what is written in it. Read it, criticise it, think over it, try to formulate your own ideas with its help.
My noble friend, L. Ram Saran Das, has asked me to write an introduction to his poetical work, 'The Dreamland'. I am neither a poet nor a literature, neither am I a journalist nor a critic. Hence, by no stretch of imagination can I find the justification of the demand. But the circumstances in which I am placed do not afford any opportunity of discussing the question with the author arguing back and forth, and thereby do not leave me any alternative but to comply with the desire of my friend.
As I am not a poet I am not going to discuss it from that point of view. I have absolutely no knowledge of metre, and do not even know whether judged from metrical standard it would prove correct. Not being a literature I am not going to discuss it with a view of assigning to it its right place in the national literature.
I, being a political worker, can at the utmost discuss it only from that point of view. But here also one factor is making my work practically impossible or at least very difficult. As a rule the introduction is always written by a man who is at one with the author on the contents of the work. But, here the case a quit different. I do not see eye to eye with my friend on all the matters. He was ware of the fact that I differed from him on many vital points. Therefore, may writing is not going to be an introduction at all. It can at the utmost amount to a criticism, and its place will be at the end and not in the beginning of the book.
In the political field 'The Dreamland' occupies a very important place. In the prevailing circumstance it is filling up a very important gap in the movement. As a matter of fact all the political movements of our country that have hitherto played any important role in our modern history, had been lacking the ideal at the achievement of which they aimed. Revolutionary movement is no exception. In spite of all my efforts, I could not find any revolutionary party that had clear ideas as to what they were fighting for, with the exception of the Ghadar Party which, having been inspired by the USA form of government, clearly stated that they wanted to replace the existing government by a Republican form of government. All other parties consisted of men who had but one idea, i.e., to fight against the alien rulers. That idea is quite laudable but cannot be termed a revolutionary idea. We must make it clear that revolution does not merely mean an upheaval or a sanguinary strife. Revolution necessarily implies the programme of systematic reconstruction of society on new and better adapted basis, after complete destruction of the existing state of affairs (i.e., regime).
In the political field the liberals wanted some reform under the present government, while the extremists demanded a bit more and were prepared to employ radical means for the same purpose. Among the revolutionaries, they had always been in favour of extreme methods with one idea, i.e., of overthrow the foreign domination. No doubt, there had been some who were in favour of extorting some reforms through those means. All these movement cannot rightly be designated as revolutionary movement.
But L. Ram Saran Das is the first revolutionary recruited formally in the Punjab by a Bengali absconder in 1908. Since then he had been in touch with the revolutionary movements and finally joined the Ghadar Party but retaining his old ideas that people held about the ideal of their movement. It has another interesting fact to add to its beauty and value. L. Ram Saran Das was sentenced to death in 1915, and the sentence was later on commuted to life transportation. Today, sitting in the condemned cells myself, I can let the readers know as authoritatively that the life imprisonment is comparatively a far harder lot than that of death. L. Ram Saran Das had actually to undergo fourteen years of imprisonment. It was in some southern jail that he wrote this poetry. The then psychology and mental struggle of the author has stamped its impressions upon the poetry and makes it all the more beautiful and interesting. He had been struggling hard against some depressing mood before he had decided to write. In the days when many of his comrades had been let off on undertakings and the temptation had been very strong for everyone and for him, too and when the sweet and painful memories of wife and children had added more to the work. Hence, we find the sudden outburst in the opening paragraph:
"Wife, children, friends that me surround
Were poisonous snakes all around."
He discusses philosophy in the beginning. This philosophy is the backbone of all the revolutionary movement of Bengal as well as of the Punjab. I differ from him on this point very widely. His interpretation of the universe is teleological and metaphysical, which I am a materialist and my interpretation of the phenomenon would be causal. Nevertheless, it is by no means out of place or out of date. The general ideal that are prevailing in our country, are more in accordance with those expressed by him. To fight that depressing mood he resorted to prayers as is evident that the whole of the beginning of the book is devoted to God, His praise, His definition. Belief in God is the outcome of mysticism which is the natural consequence of depression. That this world is 'Maya' or Mithya', a dream or a fiction, is clear mysticism which has been originated and developed by Hindu sages of old ages, such as Shankaracharya and others. But in the materialist philosophy this mode of thinking has got absolutely no place. But this mysticism of the thinking has got absolutely no place. But this mysticism of the author is by no means ignoble or deplorable. It has its own of them are doing very productive labour. The only difference that the socialist society expects is that the mental workers shall no longer be regarded superior to the manual workers shall no longer be regarded superior to the manual workers.
L. Ram Saran Das's idea about free education is really worth considering, and the socialist government has adopted somewhat the same course in Russia.
His discussion about crime is really the most advanced school of thought. Crime is the most serious social problem which needs a very tactful treatment. He has been in jail for the better part of his life. He has got the practical experience. At one place he employs the typical jail terms, 'the light labour, the medium labour and the hard labour', etc. Like all other socialists he suggests that, instead of retribution, i.e., retaliation the reformative theory should form the basis of punishment. Not to punish but to reclaim should be the guiding principle of the administration of justice. Jails should be reformatories and not veritable hells. In this connection the readers should study the Russian prison system.
While dealing with militia he discusses war as well. In my opinion war as an institution shall only occupy a few pages in the Encyclopaedia then, and war materials shall adorn the no conflicting or diverse interests that cause war.
At the utmost we can say that war shall have to be retained as an institution for the transitional period. We can easily understand if we take the example of the present-day Russia. There is the dictatorship of the proletariat at present. They want to establish a socialist society. Meanwhile they have to maintain an army to defend themselves against the capitalist society. But the war-aims would be different. Imperialist designs shall no more actuate our dreamland people to wage wars. There shall be no more war trophies. The revolutionary armies shall march to other lands not to rulers down from their thrones and stop their blood-sucking exploitation and thus to liberate the toiling masses. But, there shall not be the primitive national or racial hatred to goad our men to fight.
World-federation is the most popular and immediate object of all the free thinking people, and the author has well dilated on the subject, and his criticism of the so-called League of Nations is beautiful.
In a footnote under stanza 571 (572) the author touches, though briefly, the question of methods. He says: "Such a kingdom cannot be brought about by physical violent revolutions. It cannot be forced upon society from without. It must grow from within. . . . This can be brought about by the gradual process of Evolution, by educating the masses on the lines mentioned above", etc. This statement does not in itself contain any discrepancy. It is quite correct, but having not been fully explained, is liable to crate some misunderstanding, or worse still, a confusion. Does it mean that L. Ram Saran Das has realised the futility of the cult of force? Has he become an orthodox believer in non-violence? No, it does not mean that.
Let me explain what the above quoted statement amounts to. The revolutionaries know better than anybody else that the socialist society cannot be brought about by violent means, but that it should grow and evolve from whitin. The author suggests education as the only weapon to be employed. But, everybody can easily realise that the present government here, or, as a matter of fact, all the capitalist governments are not only not going to help any such effort, but on the contrary, suppress it mercilessly. Then, what will his 'evolution' achieve? We the revolutionaries are striving to capture power in our hands and to organize a revolutionary government which should employ all its resources for mass education, as is being done in Russia today. After capturing power, peaceful methods shall be employed for constructive work, force shall be employed to crush the obstacles. If that is what the author means, then we are at one. And I am confidant that it is exactly this what he means.
I have discussed the book at great length. I have rather criticised it. But, I am not going to ask any alteration in it, because this has got its historical value. These were the ideas of 1914-15 revolutionaries.
I strongly recommend this book to young men in particular, but with a warning. Please do not read it to follow blindly and take for granted what is written in it. Read it, criticise it, think over it, try to formulate your own ideas with its help.
Letter to Father
Comrades,
[When the case was in its final stage, Sardar Kishan Singh (Bhagat Singh's father) made a written request to the Tribunal, saying that there were many facts to prove that his son was innocent and that he had nothing to do with Sounder's murder. He also requested that his son be given an opportunity to prove his innocence. When Bhagat Singh came to know of it he was very angry, and wrote this strong letter to his father, protesting against his move.]
Oct. 4, 1930
MY DEAR FATHER,
I was astounded to learn that you had submitted a petition to the members of the Special Tribunal in connection with my defence. This intelligence proved to be too severe a blow to be borne with equanimity. It has upset the whole equilibrium of my mind. I have not been able to understand how you could think it proper to submit such a petition at this stage and in these circumstances. Inspite of all the sentiments and feelings of a father, I don't think you were at all entitled to make such a move on my behalf without even consulting me. You know that in the political field my views have always differed with those of yours. I have always been acting independently without having cared for your approval or disapproval.
I hope you can recall to yourself that since the very beginning you have been trying to convince me to fight my case very seriously and to defend myself properly. But you also know that I was always opposed to it. I never had any desire to defend myself and never did I seriously think about it. Whether it was a mere vague ideology or that I had certain arguments to justify my position, is a different question and that cannot be discussed here.
You know that we have been pursuing a definite policy in this trial. Every action of mine ought to have been consistent with that policy, my principle and my programme. At present the circumstances are altogether different, but had the situation been otherwise, even then I would have been the last man to offer defence. I had only one idea before me throughout the trial, i.e. to show complete indifference towards the trial inspite of serious nature of the charges against us. I have always been of opinion that all the political workers should be indifferent and should never bother about the legal fight in the law courts and should boldly bear the heaviest possible sentences inflicted upon them. They may defend themselves but always from purely political considerations and never from a personal point of view. Our policy in this trial has always been consistent with this principle; whether we were successful in that or not is not for me to judge. We have always been doing our duty quite disinterstedly.
In the statement accompanying the text of Lahore Conspiracy Case Ordinance the Viceroy had stated that the accused in this case were trying to bring both law and justice into contempt. The situation afforded us an opportunity to show to the public whether we ere trying to bring law into contempt or whether others were doing so. People might disagree with us on this point. You might be one of them. But that never meant that such moves should be made on my behalf without my consent or even my knowledge. My life is not so precious, at least to me, as you may probably think it to be. It is not at all worth buying at the cost of my principles. There are other comrades of mine whose case is as serious as that of mine. We had adopted a common policy and we shall stand to the last, no matter how dearly we have to pay individually for it.
Father, I am quite perplexed. I fear I might overlook the ordinary principle of etiquette and my language may become a little but harsh while criticizing or rather censoring this move on your part. Let me be candid. I feel as though I have been stabbed at the back. Had any other person done it, I would have considered it to be nothing short o treachery. But in your case, let me say that it has been a weakness - a weakness of the worst type.
This was the time where everybody's mettle was being tested. Let me say, father, you have failed. I know you are as sincere a patriot as one can be. I know you are as sincere a patriot as one can be. I know you have devoted your life to the cause of Indian independence, but why, at this moment, have you displayed such a weakness? I cannot understand.
In the end, I would like to inform you and my other friends and all the people interested in my case, that I have not approved of your move. I am still not at all in favour of offering any defence. Even if the court had accepted that petition submitted by some of my co-accused regarding defence, etc., I would have not defended myself. My applications submitted to the Tribunal regarding my interview during the hunger strike, were misinterpreted and it was published in the press that I was going to offer defence, though in reality I was never willing to offer any defence. I still hold the same opinion as before. My friends in the Borstal Jail will be taking it as a treachery and betrayal on my part. I shall not even get an opportunity to clear my position before them.
I want that public should know all the details about this complication, and, therefore, I request you to publish this letter.
Your loving son
Bhagat Singh
[When the case was in its final stage, Sardar Kishan Singh (Bhagat Singh's father) made a written request to the Tribunal, saying that there were many facts to prove that his son was innocent and that he had nothing to do with Sounder's murder. He also requested that his son be given an opportunity to prove his innocence. When Bhagat Singh came to know of it he was very angry, and wrote this strong letter to his father, protesting against his move.]
Oct. 4, 1930
MY DEAR FATHER,
I was astounded to learn that you had submitted a petition to the members of the Special Tribunal in connection with my defence. This intelligence proved to be too severe a blow to be borne with equanimity. It has upset the whole equilibrium of my mind. I have not been able to understand how you could think it proper to submit such a petition at this stage and in these circumstances. Inspite of all the sentiments and feelings of a father, I don't think you were at all entitled to make such a move on my behalf without even consulting me. You know that in the political field my views have always differed with those of yours. I have always been acting independently without having cared for your approval or disapproval.
I hope you can recall to yourself that since the very beginning you have been trying to convince me to fight my case very seriously and to defend myself properly. But you also know that I was always opposed to it. I never had any desire to defend myself and never did I seriously think about it. Whether it was a mere vague ideology or that I had certain arguments to justify my position, is a different question and that cannot be discussed here.
You know that we have been pursuing a definite policy in this trial. Every action of mine ought to have been consistent with that policy, my principle and my programme. At present the circumstances are altogether different, but had the situation been otherwise, even then I would have been the last man to offer defence. I had only one idea before me throughout the trial, i.e. to show complete indifference towards the trial inspite of serious nature of the charges against us. I have always been of opinion that all the political workers should be indifferent and should never bother about the legal fight in the law courts and should boldly bear the heaviest possible sentences inflicted upon them. They may defend themselves but always from purely political considerations and never from a personal point of view. Our policy in this trial has always been consistent with this principle; whether we were successful in that or not is not for me to judge. We have always been doing our duty quite disinterstedly.
In the statement accompanying the text of Lahore Conspiracy Case Ordinance the Viceroy had stated that the accused in this case were trying to bring both law and justice into contempt. The situation afforded us an opportunity to show to the public whether we ere trying to bring law into contempt or whether others were doing so. People might disagree with us on this point. You might be one of them. But that never meant that such moves should be made on my behalf without my consent or even my knowledge. My life is not so precious, at least to me, as you may probably think it to be. It is not at all worth buying at the cost of my principles. There are other comrades of mine whose case is as serious as that of mine. We had adopted a common policy and we shall stand to the last, no matter how dearly we have to pay individually for it.
Father, I am quite perplexed. I fear I might overlook the ordinary principle of etiquette and my language may become a little but harsh while criticizing or rather censoring this move on your part. Let me be candid. I feel as though I have been stabbed at the back. Had any other person done it, I would have considered it to be nothing short o treachery. But in your case, let me say that it has been a weakness - a weakness of the worst type.
This was the time where everybody's mettle was being tested. Let me say, father, you have failed. I know you are as sincere a patriot as one can be. I know you are as sincere a patriot as one can be. I know you have devoted your life to the cause of Indian independence, but why, at this moment, have you displayed such a weakness? I cannot understand.
In the end, I would like to inform you and my other friends and all the people interested in my case, that I have not approved of your move. I am still not at all in favour of offering any defence. Even if the court had accepted that petition submitted by some of my co-accused regarding defence, etc., I would have not defended myself. My applications submitted to the Tribunal regarding my interview during the hunger strike, were misinterpreted and it was published in the press that I was going to offer defence, though in reality I was never willing to offer any defence. I still hold the same opinion as before. My friends in the Borstal Jail will be taking it as a treachery and betrayal on my part. I shall not even get an opportunity to clear my position before them.
I want that public should know all the details about this complication, and, therefore, I request you to publish this letter.
Your loving son
Bhagat Singh
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