Thursday, September 25, 2008

Late rebel leader to get monument in Venezuela


CARACAS, Venezuela (AP) — A monument to the late Colombian rebel leader Manuel Marulanda, who died in March at age 78, is going up in a poor Caracas neighborhood.
Members of a leftist group announced plans Wednesday to place a bust of the founding leader of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, in a plaza that is still under construction.
Marulanda, nicknamed "Sureshot," led the FARC for more than four decades and was considered an arch-terrorist by the Colombian government. At the time of his death by apparent heart attack, he was wanted by Colombia's chief prosecutor in more than 100 cases on charges including rebellion, kidnapping and homicide.
In Bogota, Colombian armed forces chief Gen. Freddy Padilla criticized the monument to Marulanda, calling him "a terrorist who murdered, blackmailed, trafficked drugs and led a series of activities that for more than 50 years have caused suffering, terror and misery for Colombians."
The effort to erect the monument is being led by the Venezuelan chapter of a group known as the Continental Bolivarian Coordinator, which says it supports the aims of the FARC, including overthrowing Colombia's government.
Members of the group have promoted the FARC continentwide, according to documents the Colombian government says it found in March in the computer of a slain rebel commander. Colombian officials accuse it of being a rebel tool for gaining international support.
Group member Frank Leon said the monument is an independent effort by Venezuelans to honor Marulanda, and that neither President Hugo Chavez's government nor the FARC were involved. The project was approved by the neighborhood council in the pro-Chavez 23 de Enero district."Maybe it's going to stir up controversy, but that's fine with us," Leon said Wednesday in a community center next to the unfinished plaza. Leon was among group members who said they were associated with the Venezuelan Communist Party.
On the center's walls hung posters of Marulanda, slain FARC commander Raul Reyes and Basque separatist group ETA, along with a painting of South American independence hero Simon Bolivar — the inspiration of Chavez's socialist movement.
New concrete has been laid in the 23 de Enero neighborhood, where the bust is to be placed as soon as Friday. Resident Maria Gonzalez said she doesn't object to the monument because the plaza is being cleaned up.
Among those attending a news conference to announce the project were six young men wearing olive-green caps and T-shirts bearing a symbol of ETA.
"The struggle continues, and Marulanda lives on," they chanted at one point.
In Colombia, Conservative party Sen. Manuel Ramiro Velasquez called the monument "the greatest homage to international terrorism and barbarity, and the worst offense to the dignity of Colombians."
The Continental Bolivarian Coordinator says it considers armed revolutionary struggle justified in order to achieve social justice. It claims to comprise some 100 leftist organizations and have members throughout Latin America.

Mangalore: Naxals Issue Stern Warning to BJP, Sangh Parivar

Mangalore, Sep 24: The coastal area committee of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) has warned that it will deal with some BJP and Sangh Parivar leaders of the state on the same lines as with Vishwa Hindu Parishat leader from Orissa Lakshamananda Saraswati, if attacks on minorities continue in the state.

In a press statement, coastal area committee leader Kamala has criticized the attacks launched on churches in the state, in strong words. If the attacks are not stopped immediately, the party will initiate actions against the communal leaders like ministers Dr V S Acharya and Krishna Palemar, MLAs C T Ravi and Jeevaraj besides Bajrangdal state convener Mahendra Kumar and other leaders, the statement claimed.

She has also requested the general public, minorities and pro-democracy activists to strongly condemn the attacks being launched against the minorities in the state as also the fascist rule of the BJP government, which has been masterminding such attacks and to concertedly fight against communalism.

The attacks on Christians were organized at a time the people of the district were yet to fully recover from the shock of communal disturbances that rocked the coastal districts two years back, she has stated.

‘Maoists’ in assault

Calcutta, Sept. 24: The attack on the Tata Motors guards on Monday night may have been be the handiwork of Maoists, police sources said today.

In a statement on Saturday, the CPI (Maoist), which is not officially among Mamata Banerjee’s allies, had called for armed resistance until Tata Motors pulled out. “An armed movement in Nandigram had resisted forcible land acquisition…. The people of Singur will have to take a lesson from it,” it said.

A senior police officer in Calcutta said: “In the prevailing situation, local residents would not have the courage to scale the boundary wall and beat up security guards.”

The Subsidiary Intelligence Bureau had sent a report to the Centre a week before Mamata began her siege, saying Maoists were camping in Singur and campaigning against the project

Indian Mujahideen community banned on Orkut

New Delhi, Sep 25 (PTI) Google's social networking site Orkut today banned a community named as 'Indian Mujahideen' following the serial blasts in the national capital on September 13.
"Google strongly condemns illegal activities and those that encourage terrorism and violence. We take abuse on Orkut very seriously as such activities diminish the experience for our users," a Google spokesperson said.

In an email to media organisations, Indian Mujahideen, the terror outfit that had claimed responsibility for the July 26 Ahmedabad blasts, said it had carried out the serial blasts in Delhi.

"The communities and profiles indulging in illegal activities are a clear violation of our terms and condition. We treat requests from law enforcement agencies, coming in through the appropriate legal process, with priority in terms of reviewing them and take prompt and effective action if the content report violates our terms of service that prohibit illegal activity," the spokesperson said.

On orkut, one can find communities dedicated to education, peace, health, Tsunami relief, the environment and discussing ways to eradicate poverty. PTI

Wednesday, September 24, 2008

Spanish seeking Basque in Ireland

Interpol has been asked to contact Gardai about a Basque separatist who may be living in Dublin in a house belonging to one of the Colombia Three.
Madrid Judge Eloy Velasco wants to question Jose Ignacio de Juana Chaos, 52, in connection with a complaint accusing him of 'glorifying terrorism'.
The Spanish embassy said he applied for a passport giving his address as a house belonging to Jim Monaghan.
Mr Monaghan was one of three men accused of training Farc rebels.
The trio were sentenced in their absence after fleeing the South American country, to 17 years in jail for training Farc the Colombian rebel group.
Mr Chaos was sentenced to 3,000 years in prison for 25 murders in the 1980s, but was released early last month and travelled to the Irish capital.
It is understood the Spanish asked Interpol to help after he allegedly committed the offence of being a "terrorist apologist" by writing a letter read out at a public meeting expressing his support for ETA's campaign of violence

Branded a Maoist, scribe

DEHRA DUN, Sept. 23: An engineer-turned-journalist, Prashant Rahi, branded now as a Maoist, is cooling his heels in jail here on charges of having indulged in activities against the state. His daughter, an assistant film director in Mumbai and who believes he's innocent, is meanwhile waging a grim struggle to ensure he is allowed basic facilities in jail.
Rahi, a former Staff Correspondent of The Statesman, was arrested by the Haldwani police last December and has been denied bail since. The police booked him under sections 153 A and 124 A of the IPC for indulging in activities against the state and called him a Maoist, a description that both Rahi and his daughter dismiss. He has been denied bail by the court.
"We had enough evidence against Prashant which establishes not only his involvement in anti-State activities but also of being one of the masterminds," the SSP Haldwani, Mr PVK Prasad, had stated at the time of the arrest.
Police claim to have seized a laptop and Maoist literature in several languages from him. Police allege that Rahi is one of three Maoist kingpins in the state, and that his wife heads the women's wing of the outfit. "He is well-versed in English, Hindi, Marathi, Kumaoni and Garhwali languages and hence developed literature in different languages," the SSP had said.
Prosecution for treason has been launched against Rahi in the sessions court, and he has been shifted from Haldwani to Dehra Dun Jail. But Shikha Rahi, a Mumbai-based assistant film director, has come out strongly against the treatment meted out to her father. "My father had always worked for the welfare of the people and fought for their rights, " she said in conversation on phone. Ms. Rahi said he had been falsely implicated and been subjected to third-degree treatment by police.
Shikha, who is Rahi's daughter from his first marriage, has been assisting his defence. It is not only her, though, but several journalist friends who have come out in support. They raised the matter with the Uttarakhand goverment and the chief minister. However, Rahi has got no respite.
Rahi was born and brought up in Mumbai. He did his M.Tech from the Banaras Hindu University in UP and later took a job in Uttarakhand, which was then a part of UP. In 1994, he started to contribute to The Statesman. He joined the staff of the paper in 1995 and resigned in 2001. He then joined the people's movement against construction of the Tehri dam.

Tuesday, September 23, 2008

contact required

Here by i am requesting blogger of ajadhind to contact me in my email address

Soldier hurt in NPA ambush in Surigao del Sur

MANILA, Philippines - An Army soldier was hurt following an ambush by suspected communist rebels Monday afternoon in the southern Philippine province of Surigao del Sur, a regional military spokesman said Tuesday.

At 3:45 p.m. Monday, operating troops form the 36th Infantry Battalion were fired upon by 10 New People's Army (NPA) rebels in Kabungsuan village in Lingig town, said Armed Forces Eastern Mindanao spokesman Maj. Armand Rico.

A 25-minute firefight then ensued which resulted to the slight wounding of an unnamed soldier, Rico added.

The operating troops then were able to detonate three claymore mines and an anti-tank mine.

"The enemy fled toward a southwest direction dragging with them their casualties," Rico said.

It could be determined how many rebels were killed or wounded in the incident. -

Manufacturing 'terrorists' the Indian way

Almost every other day, newspapers are agog with stories about 'dreaded Muslim terrorists' being nabbed across the country. At the same time, savage violence unleashed by Hindutva groups continues unabated without any effective steps being taken against them. In the ongoing 'war on terror', globally as well as within India, Muslims have come to be framed collectively as 'terrorists', while terrorism engaged in by people belonging to other communities is generally condoned or ignored altogether or, at least, is not described in the same terms.

In India today, Muslim youths are being indiscriminately picked up and tortured by the police, in many cases falsely accused of being terrorists. Many of them have been languishing in jails for years now and yet no one ever seems to care.

Take the case of Muhammad Parvez Abdul Qayyum Shaikh of Gujarat. According to his aunt, Qamar Jahan, on April 2, 2003, while he was on his way to fit a water appliance, he was arrested by CBI officer Tarun Barot and others. For three days his family knew nothing of his whereabouts. On the fourth day, she says, 'We saw the news and realised that Parvez had been arrested under allegations of having a Chinese-made pistol and some gun powder. However, this powder is used for cleaning the Aqua Guard machines.'

Parvez, she says, was brutally beaten and tortured by the officers, with Officer Vanzara allegedly asking Parvez to refer to him as Khuda (God) and beating him ruthlessly. While in jail they forced him to sign on blank papers. He was reportedly taken by the CBI officers to Gandhinagar where he was further tortured for 21 days. He was then charged in the DCP-6 case, tiffin bomb blast case and in the Haren Pandya murder case (the last mentioned of which, incidentally, Pandya's own father accuses Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi [Images] as having instigated). He was sentenced to 14 years in jail for the last-mentioned case, although his aunt maintains that he is innocent.

27 year-old Sardar, a Muslim youth, works as a plumber in Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu. He was arrested at the age of 17, some months after the February 1998 Chennai bomb blasts. The initial accusation against Sardar was that he had been involved in a street fight. He was apparently kept illegally imprisoned for a month, and only after that was an FIR was lodged against him. This time he was accused of carrying two pipe bombs and rioting. The offence was non-bailable. He was remanded and kept in the Vellore Jail for first 15 months, even though there were no witnesses against him. The special court set up for the bomb blasts refused to let him be tried as he was a minor.

Eventually, nine and a half years later, in the final judgment the court apparently found him not guilty of any of the charges put on him and he was acquitted, but only after having spent almost a decade languishing in jail, where he was brutally tortured. Even after his acquittal the police have allegedly not stopped harassing and hounding him, and they still restrict his movements.

Noor ul-Hoda, the son of a desperately poor daily-wage labourer from Malegaon in Maharashtra, is yet another hapless Muslim man who has, so he insists, been falsely implicated as a terrorist by the police. In September 2006, he was picked up by the police from his home. On the same day, they brought him back, searched the house (without producing a search warrant), and, finding nothing, took him back into police custody. The next day the police charged Noor with possession of 20 books considered as 'illegal literature'.

While in police custody, he is said to have been forced, through torture and threats by his interrogators that they would kill his family, to sign a blank piece of paper, which was later used as evidence of a 'confession'. This was, it is claimed, used to charge him under the draconian MCOCA for allegedly being a member of the team that carried out the Malegaon bombings. This, he says, is completely false as he was at the local mosque on the day of the bomb blasts. The local special executive officer has given an affidavit validating this. Noor claims that Police Inspector Sachin Kadum had threatened him thus: 'Although I am aware of the fact that you are not involved in the bomb blast, we will still capture you and we will see if you can get out of this situation.'

In October 2006 Noor was taken to Bangalore for brain mapping and narco-tests. These proved negative, but the experience was harrowing. During the narco-test he was given powerful electric shocks and was badly beaten. His ribs were also battered. The doctor, Malti, asked him to say what the police wanted him to say or else he would be more deeply implicated in the bomb blast case. 'When I did not repeat the words electric shocks were given to my ear', he says. While he was in the custody of the Nasik police, they tortured him severely at the ATS office, saying that he should state what the police wanted him to -- in other words, to give a false 'confession'.

'In the month of Ramzan while I was fasting I was beaten so much that I fainted', he says. 'Inspector Sachin Kadum and Inspector Khan Gekar used to abuse me and say that if you do not confess we will bring all your sisters here. We will make them naked and photographs will be taken and they will also be beaten,' he adds. They also threatened to implicate Noor's brother in the case. Finally, they were able to force him to make a false 'confession' by taking his signature on a blank piece of paper, but he later retracted this 'confession'.

Muhammad Hanif Adul Razzak Shaikh from Gujarat is yet another victim of state terrorism. On April 28, 2003, around two dozen men rushed into Hanif's house, but since Hanif was said to have been away attending a friend's funeral in Himmatnagar, they dragged his brother, Yasin, to the police station where he was beaten up. They picked him up without an arrest warrant and detained him for 12 days until May 3, when Hanif came back and presented himself at the Crime Branch. He was immediately put into detention and the CBI searched his factory but recovered nothing.

Mohammad Hanif was in the business of making bags. The police claimed that the bomb which was used in the tiffin bomb blast and in another such blast had been made in his factory. But when Hanif refused to accept these allegations, the police tortured him severely and even threatened to arrest his brother Yasin if he did not comply with their orders. After this, they allegedly forced a false 'confession' out of him to implicate him in the blasts. His interrogators tortured him mercilessly and he was then presented in court on May 10, 2003. There, Hanif refused to accept the charges against him, which allegedly prompted the magistrate to say that the police should take Hanif in for some more khatirdari ('hospitality'), by which was meant even greater torture.

During this remand, Hanif was said to have been subjected to third degree torture, brutally beaten and forced to sign numerous false statements. The forced 'confession' was apparently used as evidence to prolong his remand stay. He retracted his statement in the court but after appearing in court for the second time the judge ordered that he should be treated to some more 'hospitality'. After this, he is said to have been compelled to sign another 'confession', on the basis of which he was sentenced to 10 years in jail. During the five years he has spent in jail so far Hanif's wife as well as his mother died. A father of four, one of his daughters has tuberculosis. His small bag-making unit has been closed ever since he was put into jail and his family now lives in abject penury.

Maulana Mohammad Naseerudin of Hyderabad was arrested in August 2004 immediately after addressing a meeting of fellow Muslims at a local mosque. The Anti-Terrorism Squad accused him of conspiring to blow up a Hindu temple in Hyderabad, a charge that he denied. The next month he was released on bail, but on the condition that he would report to the CID office on a weekly basis.

On September 31, 2004, when the Maulana reached the CID office he found the Gujarat police waiting for him. They took him into custody, accusing him of incitement violence in Gujarat in his speeches in the mosque. In actual fact, so it is said, he had preached for relief and aid for Muslims in Gujarat who had been brutalised by the state, the police and Hindutva forces. The police failed to give any evidence at the time of his detention and subsequent trial, simply claiming that he was inciting communal hatred during his sermons.

The news of the Maulana's arrest spread quickly and he was put into a bus and given a drug to incapacitate him. The protestors asked the police for the arrest warrant. 23 year-old Mujahid Saleem Azmi, a friend of the family, started questioning the procedures during the arrest, and, after some prompting by the expanding crowd, the police released the Maulana. A heated exchange between Police Officer Narendra and Mujahid began. The officer shamelessly shouted at Mujahid, 'Have you people forgotten Gujarat? I will finish you all off.' Mujahid replied that he was not scared of his threats and that the officer should conduct himself on the basis of the law. The police officer then said that if he was looking for a warrant he would show him a warrant and took out his gun and fired point blank at Mujahid. The rest of the police officers started firing in the air. They pushed the Maulana back into the van and drove off. The ATS provided safe passage for the police to flee Hyderabad. Meanwhile, Mujahid, 23, was pronounced dead at the hospital.

Thousands of people collected outside the hospital and they asked for a case to be filed against the police. Several different Hindutva organisations came together to try and disrupt the funeral procession the following day. The police used their special division -- the Greyhound Task Force � normally used to combat Naxalism to beat and tear gas the processionists. The Greyhound Task Force forced their way into Mujahid's house and attacked the family with sticks.

Meanwhile, the Maulana was transferred to a prison in Ahmedabad [Images], where, it is said, he was forced to make a 'confession'. He appealed against it, but the special POTA court denied the appeal and accepted the 'confession' of Maulana produced by the Gujarat police. His first bail application took four long months to be heard from the day of his judicial custody. A judgment on the bail application took another year. The application was rejected on the grounds that he was 'anti-American and pro Osama bin Laden'. Another year passed and the high court upheld the POTA court's order. Six months later, the Supreme Court asked for a swift trial, but rejected bail.

Two years have passed since the Supreme Court's order and yet nothing has happened. The Maulana continues to languish in jail and is presently seriously ill. He has only one kidney, a thyroid problem, and early signs of arthritis, none of which has been taken into consideration during his time in prison. His illnesses have worsened. He cannot walk or handle food that he has to chew, but yet, despite several appeals, the authorities continue to refuse to send him to hospital. In the meantime, the police have also arrested two of his sons for allegedly conspiring to take revenge for his arrest.

Scores of cases of innocent Muslims being deliberately targeted by agencies of the State, in addition to Hindutva forces, abound across the country, and the situation seems to be getting worse with every passing day. This is not to say that none of the several blasts that have occurred in India in the last several years could have been the handiwork of Muslims. Sympathisers of some fringe radical Islamist outfits or Muslims seeking to take revenge for the atrocities and large-scale slaughter of their co-religionists, as in Gujarat, might well have planned some of these, and Muslim leaders themselves have rightly called for stern punishment for their perpetrators.

However, the mounting indiscriminate arrests, torture and detention of vast numbers of innocent Muslim youth across the country in the name of countering terrorism not only makes a complete mockery of our claims to secularism and democracy but is a perfect recipe for making Muslim terrorism a self-fulfilling prophecy. And, to make matters worse, at the same time as the hounding of innocent Muslims continues, Hindu mobs are allowed to operate free of any effective restraint, lionised as ardent 'nationalists' as they continue to wreak murder, mayhem and naked terror on Muslims, and now, as in Orissa and Karnataka, Christians. That, surely, is no way to combat terrorism. Far from it, it can only further exacerbate the problem.

Note: The details of the above-mentioned cases have been procured from the testimonies submitted to the jury of the People's Tribunal on the Atrocities Committed Against Minorities in the Name of Fighting Terrorism [Images] organised by Anhad and the Human Rights Law Network in Hyderabad, August 22-24, 2008.

Dr Yoginder Sikand is the editor of Qalandar, an electronic magazine on Islam-related issues, and also an author of several books on the subject.

Manufacturing 'terrorists' the Indian way

Almost every other day, newspapers are agog with stories about 'dreaded Muslim terrorists' being nabbed across the country. At the same time, savage violence unleashed by Hindutva groups continues unabated without any effective steps being taken against them. In the ongoing 'war on terror', globally as well as within India, Muslims have come to be framed collectively as 'terrorists', while terrorism engaged in by people belonging to other communities is generally condoned or ignored altogether or, at least, is not described in the same terms.

In India today, Muslim youths are being indiscriminately picked up and tortured by the police, in many cases falsely accused of being terrorists. Many of them have been languishing in jails for years now and yet no one ever seems to care.

Take the case of Muhammad Parvez Abdul Qayyum Shaikh of Gujarat. According to his aunt, Qamar Jahan, on April 2, 2003, while he was on his way to fit a water appliance, he was arrested by CBI officer Tarun Barot and others. For three days his family knew nothing of his whereabouts. On the fourth day, she says, 'We saw the news and realised that Parvez had been arrested under allegations of having a Chinese-made pistol and some gun powder. However, this powder is used for cleaning the Aqua Guard machines.'

Parvez, she says, was brutally beaten and tortured by the officers, with Officer Vanzara allegedly asking Parvez to refer to him as Khuda (God) and beating him ruthlessly. While in jail they forced him to sign on blank papers. He was reportedly taken by the CBI officers to Gandhinagar where he was further tortured for 21 days. He was then charged in the DCP-6 case, tiffin bomb blast case and in the Haren Pandya murder case (the last mentioned of which, incidentally, Pandya's own father accuses Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi [Images] as having instigated). He was sentenced to 14 years in jail for the last-mentioned case, although his aunt maintains that he is innocent.

27 year-old Sardar, a Muslim youth, works as a plumber in Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu. He was arrested at the age of 17, some months after the February 1998 Chennai bomb blasts. The initial accusation against Sardar was that he had been involved in a street fight. He was apparently kept illegally imprisoned for a month, and only after that was an FIR was lodged against him. This time he was accused of carrying two pipe bombs and rioting. The offence was non-bailable. He was remanded and kept in the Vellore Jail for first 15 months, even though there were no witnesses against him. The special court set up for the bomb blasts refused to let him be tried as he was a minor.

Eventually, nine and a half years later, in the final judgment the court apparently found him not guilty of any of the charges put on him and he was acquitted, but only after having spent almost a decade languishing in jail, where he was brutally tortured. Even after his acquittal the police have allegedly not stopped harassing and hounding him, and they still restrict his movements.

Noor ul-Hoda, the son of a desperately poor daily-wage labourer from Malegaon in Maharashtra, is yet another hapless Muslim man who has, so he insists, been falsely implicated as a terrorist by the police. In September 2006, he was picked up by the police from his home. On the same day, they brought him back, searched the house (without producing a search warrant), and, finding nothing, took him back into police custody. The next day the police charged Noor with possession of 20 books considered as 'illegal literature'.

While in police custody, he is said to have been forced, through torture and threats by his interrogators that they would kill his family, to sign a blank piece of paper, which was later used as evidence of a 'confession'. This was, it is claimed, used to charge him under the draconian MCOCA for allegedly being a member of the team that carried out the Malegaon bombings. This, he says, is completely false as he was at the local mosque on the day of the bomb blasts. The local special executive officer has given an affidavit validating this. Noor claims that Police Inspector Sachin Kadum had threatened him thus: 'Although I am aware of the fact that you are not involved in the bomb blast, we will still capture you and we will see if you can get out of this situation.'

In October 2006 Noor was taken to Bangalore for brain mapping and narco-tests. These proved negative, but the experience was harrowing. During the narco-test he was given powerful electric shocks and was badly beaten. His ribs were also battered. The doctor, Malti, asked him to say what the police wanted him to say or else he would be more deeply implicated in the bomb blast case. 'When I did not repeat the words electric shocks were given to my ear', he says. While he was in the custody of the Nasik police, they tortured him severely at the ATS office, saying that he should state what the police wanted him to -- in other words, to give a false 'confession'.

'In the month of Ramzan while I was fasting I was beaten so much that I fainted', he says. 'Inspector Sachin Kadum and Inspector Khan Gekar used to abuse me and say that if you do not confess we will bring all your sisters here. We will make them naked and photographs will be taken and they will also be beaten,' he adds. They also threatened to implicate Noor's brother in the case. Finally, they were able to force him to make a false 'confession' by taking his signature on a blank piece of paper, but he later retracted this 'confession'.

Muhammad Hanif Adul Razzak Shaikh from Gujarat is yet another victim of state terrorism. On April 28, 2003, around two dozen men rushed into Hanif's house, but since Hanif was said to have been away attending a friend's funeral in Himmatnagar, they dragged his brother, Yasin, to the police station where he was beaten up. They picked him up without an arrest warrant and detained him for 12 days until May 3, when Hanif came back and presented himself at the Crime Branch. He was immediately put into detention and the CBI searched his factory but recovered nothing.

Mohammad Hanif was in the business of making bags. The police claimed that the bomb which was used in the tiffin bomb blast and in another such blast had been made in his factory. But when Hanif refused to accept these allegations, the police tortured him severely and even threatened to arrest his brother Yasin if he did not comply with their orders. After this, they allegedly forced a false 'confession' out of him to implicate him in the blasts. His interrogators tortured him mercilessly and he was then presented in court on May 10, 2003. There, Hanif refused to accept the charges against him, which allegedly prompted the magistrate to say that the police should take Hanif in for some more khatirdari ('hospitality'), by which was meant even greater torture.

During this remand, Hanif was said to have been subjected to third degree torture, brutally beaten and forced to sign numerous false statements. The forced 'confession' was apparently used as evidence to prolong his remand stay. He retracted his statement in the court but after appearing in court for the second time the judge ordered that he should be treated to some more 'hospitality'. After this, he is said to have been compelled to sign another 'confession', on the basis of which he was sentenced to 10 years in jail. During the five years he has spent in jail so far Hanif's wife as well as his mother died. A father of four, one of his daughters has tuberculosis. His small bag-making unit has been closed ever since he was put into jail and his family now lives in abject penury.

Maulana Mohammad Naseerudin of Hyderabad was arrested in August 2004 immediately after addressing a meeting of fellow Muslims at a local mosque. The Anti-Terrorism Squad accused him of conspiring to blow up a Hindu temple in Hyderabad, a charge that he denied. The next month he was released on bail, but on the condition that he would report to the CID office on a weekly basis.

On September 31, 2004, when the Maulana reached the CID office he found the Gujarat police waiting for him. They took him into custody, accusing him of incitement violence in Gujarat in his speeches in the mosque. In actual fact, so it is said, he had preached for relief and aid for Muslims in Gujarat who had been brutalised by the state, the police and Hindutva forces. The police failed to give any evidence at the time of his detention and subsequent trial, simply claiming that he was inciting communal hatred during his sermons.

The news of the Maulana's arrest spread quickly and he was put into a bus and given a drug to incapacitate him. The protestors asked the police for the arrest warrant. 23 year-old Mujahid Saleem Azmi, a friend of the family, started questioning the procedures during the arrest, and, after some prompting by the expanding crowd, the police released the Maulana. A heated exchange between Police Officer Narendra and Mujahid began. The officer shamelessly shouted at Mujahid, 'Have you people forgotten Gujarat? I will finish you all off.' Mujahid replied that he was not scared of his threats and that the officer should conduct himself on the basis of the law. The police officer then said that if he was looking for a warrant he would show him a warrant and took out his gun and fired point blank at Mujahid. The rest of the police officers started firing in the air. They pushed the Maulana back into the van and drove off. The ATS provided safe passage for the police to flee Hyderabad. Meanwhile, Mujahid, 23, was pronounced dead at the hospital.

Thousands of people collected outside the hospital and they asked for a case to be filed against the police. Several different Hindutva organisations came together to try and disrupt the funeral procession the following day. The police used their special division -- the Greyhound Task Force � normally used to combat Naxalism to beat and tear gas the processionists. The Greyhound Task Force forced their way into Mujahid's house and attacked the family with sticks.

Meanwhile, the Maulana was transferred to a prison in Ahmedabad [Images], where, it is said, he was forced to make a 'confession'. He appealed against it, but the special POTA court denied the appeal and accepted the 'confession' of Maulana produced by the Gujarat police. His first bail application took four long months to be heard from the day of his judicial custody. A judgment on the bail application took another year. The application was rejected on the grounds that he was 'anti-American and pro Osama bin Laden'. Another year passed and the high court upheld the POTA court's order. Six months later, the Supreme Court asked for a swift trial, but rejected bail.

Two years have passed since the Supreme Court's order and yet nothing has happened. The Maulana continues to languish in jail and is presently seriously ill. He has only one kidney, a thyroid problem, and early signs of arthritis, none of which has been taken into consideration during his time in prison. His illnesses have worsened. He cannot walk or handle food that he has to chew, but yet, despite several appeals, the authorities continue to refuse to send him to hospital. In the meantime, the police have also arrested two of his sons for allegedly conspiring to take revenge for his arrest.

Scores of cases of innocent Muslims being deliberately targeted by agencies of the State, in addition to Hindutva forces, abound across the country, and the situation seems to be getting worse with every passing day. This is not to say that none of the several blasts that have occurred in India in the last several years could have been the handiwork of Muslims. Sympathisers of some fringe radical Islamist outfits or Muslims seeking to take revenge for the atrocities and large-scale slaughter of their co-religionists, as in Gujarat, might well have planned some of these, and Muslim leaders themselves have rightly called for stern punishment for their perpetrators.

However, the mounting indiscriminate arrests, torture and detention of vast numbers of innocent Muslim youth across the country in the name of countering terrorism not only makes a complete mockery of our claims to secularism and democracy but is a perfect recipe for making Muslim terrorism a self-fulfilling prophecy. And, to make matters worse, at the same time as the hounding of innocent Muslims continues, Hindu mobs are allowed to operate free of any effective restraint, lionised as ardent 'nationalists' as they continue to wreak murder, mayhem and naked terror on Muslims, and now, as in Orissa and Karnataka, Christians. That, surely, is no way to combat terrorism. Far from it, it can only further exacerbate the problem.

Note: The details of the above-mentioned cases have been procured from the testimonies submitted to the jury of the People's Tribunal on the Atrocities Committed Against Minorities in the Name of Fighting Terrorism [Images] organised by Anhad and the Human Rights Law Network in Hyderabad, August 22-24, 2008.

Dr Yoginder Sikand is the editor of Qalandar, an electronic magazine on Islam-related issues, and also an author of several books on the subject.

Thalappavu, a wake up call for the society

Actor-tuned-director Madhupal on Sunday denied allegations that his debut movie Thalappavu, based on the real-life confession of a police constable about the gunning down of naxalite leader Varghese in a fake encounter nearly 30 years ago, reflects his sympathies for the political ideology of naxalite movements.

"The film is not an attempt to show my sympathy or political views. It is a reminder to a society that has forgotten how to respond to the problems faced by human beings. The film is a wake up call for a society that is becoming increasingly meek and submissive," he said, while addressing a meet-the-press programme held in Thiruvananthapuram on Sunday.

Madhupal further added that the real challenge in the film was in telling a familiar story in a 'realistic manner' devoid of the documentary feel. "How to adapt a popular political struggle without distorting facts to the big screen was our main concern," he said.Prithviraj plays the role of naxalite leader Varghese while actor Lal plays the role of the distraught police constable Ramachandran Nair. "I wanted someone who could convey the feeling of being bold and helpless at the same time," said Madhupal about choosing Lal for the role.

Babu Janardhanan, the playwright of the film, said that he had carried out extensive research on the life of the revolutionary leader before putting it on paper. "The spark for the script came from the revelation made by Ramachandran Nair through television channels that he was forced to kill Varghese. The revelation struck me and I started to think about the mental agony he had to endure by suppressing the fact for nearly 30 years," said Janardhanan.

Orissa caught in Naxal spillover effect

The Naxal trail in Orissa begins in the deceptively beautiful Malkangiri district which lies on the southern tip of the state.

More than half of Malkangiri is dense forests and hilly tracts connected by a very poor road network.

The isolation of the terrain is further heightened by the rivers. River Sileru on one side separates it from Andhra Pradesh while Saberi on the other splits it from Chhattisgarh.

Malkangiri's Chittrakonda which lies near the Balimela Reservoir is the place where a motor launch carrying 50 Greyhound jawans capsized following a Maoist attack.

Thirty eight people were killed in the attack. This area is now known as the cut-off area where there are about 150 villages - all disconnected from the mainland.

The terrain is tough to traverse but for Naxals, it offers a suitable hideout as anyone trying to access the farthest point will take 10 hours on boat.

The government did try to ensure that there is some kind of connectivity for the area. The Gamon India bridge was meant to connect the area to the mainland but the Naxals ensured that never happened.

''It is really getting difficult on our part to complete the developmental work, especially that which can harm the interests of the Naxals like roads, bridges, culverts and all," said Nitin B Jawle, Collector, Malkangiri.

Malkangiri has always been Orissa's Naxal region and it's apparent from the fact that of the 280 incidents of Naxal violence in the state since 1991, 120 have taken place here.

But intelligence sources say that in the last two years, Naxals have decided to make Malkangiri their most critical long-term base. It saw a spillover of militia from Andhra when peace talks were on and now from Bastar as the government there gets tough.

''Peoples War Group, which is active in Telangana, made inroads into Orissa. On the other hand, what happened the Maoist Communist Centre, which was active in Jharkand and Bihar, made inroads into North and West Orissa," said S N Tiwari, Retired DGP, former Director, Special Protection Group.

A clear evidence of this spillover effect is the dramatic rise in attacks. On 16 February, 2008, 15 policemen were killed during a toot at the armoury in Nayagarh.

A couple of months later, on 16 July 2008, an anti-mine vehicle was blown up by the Naxals in Telarai killing 17 commandos.

These attacks are a signal to the security forces of renewed Naxal power. Their intent to rule this region has also been made clear to the villagers.

"Naxals don't come here. They move about only in the night. They are not visible during the day," said some of the villagers in Malkangiri.

Another cause of worry is a dearth of policemen or jawans in the area.

In these tribal villages there is no mobile connectivity, no road, no telephone, no electricity and no familiar signs of authority.

Even the Block Development Office that was constructed 25 years ago in Papermetla village was abandoned by the government in fear. This has led to a lot of brutality on the people by the Naxals.

"They removed the skin of a man here and asked him to walk. Can anyone walk in that condition? Then they removed the skin from his forehead and asked him if he could still see. Then they beheaded him," said a villager.

Malkangiri's tribals - about 58 per cent of the district's population - are among its most poor and marginalised. Thousands of them were uprooted from their native land by hydro-electric projects.

The fears of these tribals seem to be further aggravated in Tarlakota, another pocket of Malkangiri, where thousands of tribal families were settled following the Machkund Project since 1964.

But unfortunately, till today, they do not have pattas or rights over the land they till. Their anger had turned them against the state.

Thus, in 1967 when the Naxalbari revolution began there was support for it in Malkangiri. But the villagers never got any land and over the last 40 years, the Naxal saviours have become fearful oppressors.

Their violence has kept development out and fuelled greater poverty.

"They have given us NREGS cards, but no work. There are no jobs here. We have to beg and borrow to survive," said one of the villagers.

As Naxals get involved for the first time in ethnic and religious strife - taking blame for the murder of VHP leader Swami Laxmananand Saraswati in Kandhmal district - the strategy perhaps is to emerge from the depths of Malkangiri into mainland aiming for a larger political ground.

‘Maoists’ gun down CPM member in Birbhum

Kolkata, September 22 A CPM zonal committee member, Nandalal Mistri (51), was murdered by suspected Maoist cadres on Monday morning at Rajnagar in Birbhum.

“Following the incident, the police have sealed the district’s border with Jharkhand. A relative of the deceased has lodged a complaint at the local police station. Investigations are on but no one has been arrested so far,” said Laxmi Narayan Meena, SP Birbhum.

Mistri, the headmaster of Agayabandh Primary School, was on his way to school. Around 11.30 am, three youths fired three rounds at him from close range near Mohisapuri forests, killing him on the spot.

Subsequently, Additional SP, Birbhum, Farhat Abbas, reached the spot with a large police contingent.

Police recovered a few Maoist posters strewn around the body. The posters were printed in Burdwan. CPM district secretariat member Sadhan Ghosh said, “The district police has failed to provide security to the people.”

On April 22, another CPM local committee member Sridam Das (45) was killed on his way to school in the same area. Even that time, three youths — suspected to be Maoist members — had shot dead Das from point blank range. Maoist leaflets were seized from the spot.

20-yr-old Naxal arrested


SAMBALPUR: A Naxalite Sayun Bilung (20), known as Sambit in Maoist circle, was nabbed from Lankeswari village during a joint raid by the CRPF and Sambalpur police in the wee hours today.

Sayun was taken in as a Sleeper Cell member, involved in providing food and shelter, by the ultras in 2006 in which he participated with enthusiasm. Later, he underwent training in Saranda forest in neighbouring Jharkhand and was also instrumental in shifting injured Shatrughan alias Sonu to Cuttack. Sonu was hit by a bullet in an encounter with the police in Badrama forest in January this year.

Nursing a grudge against his parents for being abandoned by them, he revealed to police about being denied of parental love and how the Naxals were sympathetic towards him after being declared ‘illegitimate child’ by his villagers.

Sunday, September 21, 2008

September 21

from www.satp.org

The Maoist Communist Centre of India (MCC) and the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) People's War (also known as the People's War Group or PWG) merged to form a new entity, the Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) on September 21, 2004, somewhere in the projected 'liberated zone'. Officially, the merger was announced on October 14, 2004, by the PWG Andhra Pradesh ‘state secretary’, Ramakrishna, at a news conference in Hyderabad, on the eve of peace talks between the PWG and the State Government.

Formation

The merger is the consequences of initiatives that date back five years, when the PWG approached the MCC with a proposal of merger. In fact, since its inception on April 22, 1980, the PWG had been trying to bring all the Left Wing extremist groups (also called Naxalite) in India (numbering around 40) under its umbrella with the objective of overthrowing 'the bureaucrat comprador bourgeois and big landlords classes who control state power in collusion with imperialism' and 'to establish in its place the New Democratic State under the leadership of the proletariat' with the ultimate aim of establishing socialism and communism. The MCC had been its first target and talks had been on since the early 1980's. However, the discussions failed to progress initially as a result of turf wars and differences at the leadership level. Despite ideological commonalities and shared objectives, the pathways to the merger have been full of obstacles, with territorial and leadership clashes giving rise to an internecine conflict that lasted through much of the 1990s, as the two groups struggled for supremacy in different parts of then undivided Bihar, resulting in the death of hundreds of cadres and sympathisers. However, continuous interaction resulted in declining hostility between the two groups over time, and gradually increased operational cooperation and consolidation. The creation of Jharkhand State in November 2000 and anti-Maoist operations launched by the administration pushed the MCC and PWG into closer cooperation, and a truce was announced between them three years ago. Significantly, the PWG had earlier merged with the CPI-ML (Party Unity) of Bihar in August 11, 1998.

The first ever meeting between the PWG and MCC was held in 1981, when Kanai Chatterjee of the MCC and Kondapally Seetaramaiah of PWG met for over 12 days. Both leaders, though belonging to different streams of the Naxalite movement, stated that the grounds to merge are strong as both were pursuing a similar end. The PWG and MCC subsequently set out the procedure for a possible merger. However, such possibilities were premature, as in 1982 Chatterjee died of illness and Seetharamaiah was arrested in the Secunderabad conspiracy case.

Though the initial desire of PWG and MCC for unity was strong, not much progress was possible. Differences over tactical and strategic issues, personality clashes and a ‘turf war’ to control territory were predominant. Attempts to further the unity process, however, continued with talks commencing in 1992. Later, in September 1993, the PWG, MCC and the CPI-ML (Party Unity) decided to jointly intensify the Naxalite movement in Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra and other States and constituted the All India Peoples Resistance Forum to build a strong anti-feudal and anti-imperialist movement. The process of unification continued for three years, after which it finally broke down due to some differences on international issues pertaining to the Revolutionary International Movement. Both outfits issued a joint statement for the failure of the talks, outlining the differences and its momentary suspension, but decided to deliberate the unity at a later date.

Relations between the two outfits also soured, particularly after the merger of PWG and another left-wing extremist group, the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) [Party Unity], in August 1998. After 1998, armed clashes between the PWG and MCC intensified and this period is referred to by Naxalite outfits as the ‘black chapter’. These clashes occurred despite the PWG’s claim that "serious efforts were made by all the three (groups) to unite and build a united revolutionary proletarian party in India." The clashes were reportedly a result of the ‘wrong handling of contradictions among the people.’ "Instead of solving the contradictions with a class approach … (and) in a non-antagonistic manner, we adopted a parochial and non-proletarian approach", admits a PWG statement. In one of its self-critical note, the PWG ‘central committee’ has pledged to "learn from this negative experience and never again (to) take up arms against our class friends, no matter how sharp may be the differences. Political differences must be settled by polemical debates and by proving correctness of our politics through revolutionary practice, but not through the gun."

MCC took the initiative in declaring a unilateral cease-fire in January 2000, a gesture reciprocated by the PWG. This was primarily due to a rethinking in the MCC and appeals from ‘revolutionary forces’ within India and abroad. Subsequently, the dialogue process between the two outfits commenced in August 2001. At the first meeting, the two sides engaged in an introspection exercise, and decisions were taken to initiate joint activities at the Bihar/Jharkhand level. The introspection, much of it reportedly in written form, was circulated to the rank-and-file of the Bihar/Jharkhand party. Throughout the latter part of 2001 and entire 2002, joint activities were undertaken in Bihar-Jharkhand. Further, during November 2002, a joint statement issued by the two groups at Patna, capital of Bihar, claimed that the indiscriminate use of the Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA) against the Naxalite cadres and sympathizers by the Jharkhand Government had "compelled them to iron out differences" and fight jointly against the state.

It was at the February 2003-meeting that a decision was taken to initiate concrete steps towards discussions on ideological issues with the clear direction and purpose of a merger. In this meeting, an extensive introspection exercise was put forward by both outfits for the ‘Black Chapter’ period and this was later made public. Both the outfits decided not to resort to clashes with ‘class friends’ irrespective of how severe the differences were. The meeting also laid ground for the advancement and finalisation of the process of merger. Towards this end, the two groups decided to draft five documents: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Party Programme, Strategy and Tactics, Political Resolution on the International and Domestic Situation, and the Party Constitution.

Subsequently, during four rounds of negotiations between high-level delegations of the two outfits and the respective Central Committees (CC), a final agreement was reached in September 2004. The documents were adopted and also decided to be translated in about 10 regional languages for wider deliberations throughout the outfits’ bases across India. Some minor differences that remained were to be decided at a later date after further discussion and study. Finally, the joint CC meeting of both outfits took the merger decision and a Central Committee (Provisional) was established.

Saturday, September 20, 2008

FARC attacks Cauca town

At least one soldier and one policeman were injured after an attack by the FARC on Toribío, Cauca led to heavy fighting between the Colombian army and the guerrillas.

Authorities told newspaper El Espectador the town was attacked by the FARC's sixth front, before police and army were able to regain control of the area surrounding Toribío. The town is now surrounded by armed forces to prevent more attacks.

According to mayor Carlos Alberto Banguero, calm has returned to the town, but says the town is subjected to FARC attacks regularly and the army measures to protect the town are just temporary.

SC directs Chhattisgarh government to rein in Salwa judum

Expressing serious concern over the activities of Salwa Judum cadre in the garb of tackling Naxalite activities in Chhattisgarh, the Supreme Court directed the state government to take remedial measures and put an end to their activities as soon as possible.

A bench comprising Chief Justice K G Balakrishnan and Justices P Sathasivam and J M Panchal posted the hearing of two Public Interest Litigations (PILs)filed by Ms Nandini Sunder and Mr Kartam Joga for October 23.

The petitioners have alleged that anti-social elements and criminals are taking advantage of Salwa Judum movement and harassing, looting and killing innocent people in the state by dubbing them naxalites.

The apex court asked the state government as well as the Centre how can such things be permitted to happen in a civilised society and it is the responsibility of the state to protect the lives and properties of the people and how can private individuals be allowed to take law in their own hands.

The Supreme Court also directed the Centre and the petitioners to respond to the reports submitted by the state government. The apex court was dissatisfied with the contents of the report which was submitted to it in a sealed cover.

Thursday, September 18, 2008

Two troopers injured in Chhattisgarh Maoist attack

Raipur, Sep 18 (IANS) At least two para-military troopers of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) were wounded Thursday in Chhattisgarh’s trouble-torn Bastar region when Maoist guerrillas opened fire on them, an official said.

‘Two CRPF jawans, who were members of a road-opening party, sustained bullet injuries in Bijapur district when they came under heavy gunfire,’ Pawan Deo, deputy inspector general (state’s anti-Maoist operations), told IANS.

The attack site is about 450 km south of here.

The injured troopers were taken to Jagdalpur town, regional headquarters of Bastar region, for treatment.

Jail for Danish 'terror T-shirts'

Six people have been convicted in Denmark of raising funds for extremist groups by selling T-shirts with their logos on. A seventh was acquitted.

Two of the defendants were sentenced to six months behind bars, while others received suspended jail terms.

The Fighters and Lovers firm made and sold garments bearing the logos of the Palestinian PFLP and Colombia's Farc.

Part of the proceeds were to be sent to the groups, which the EU says are terrorist organisations.

Danish law says anyone involved in the direct or indirect financing of terrorist organisations is punishable by up to 10 years in prison.

In December a lower court acquitted all seven defendants, after finding that the two organisations were "not really terrorist" groups.

But an appeal court on Thursday overruled that decision, declaring Farc and the PFLP "terrorist organisations that have committed acts aimed at destabilising a state or a government and have attacked civilian targets".

Proceeds seized

Farc has been involved in a 40-year conflict with Colombian state forces and right-wing paramilitary groups, in which tens of thousands of civilians have died.

It has increasingly become involved in illegal drug trafficking to raise funds, and holds hundreds of kidnapped Colombians and foreigners in the jungle.

The PFLP, which combines Arab nationalism with Marxist-Leninist ideology, has carried out suicide attacks inside Israel and against Jewish settlements.

It sees the destruction of Israel as integral to its struggle to remove Western influence from the Middle East.

Fighters and Lovers said it would donate five euros (£4) to the two groups for each T-shirt it sold.

It said the money would finance Farc radio stations in Colombia and a graphics studio in the Palestinian territories.

But the appeals court ordered the confiscation of the approximately 25,000 kroner (£2,600) the company had made on the sales.

Michael Schoelardt, the company's managing director, who got six months in prison, said: "We must stand firm in our fight for peace and justice in the world."

Lawyers said they would try to take the case to the Supreme Court.

Still selling

Schoelardt was one of five employees of the firm convicted after admitting producing, selling and distributing the T-shirts.

A sixth defendant was convicted for allowing the company to use his server for its website.

A seventh defendant, a hot dog seller who had put up the company's posters, was acquitted.

The company still makes T-shirts with the logos on, marketed on its website with the heading "Freedom fighters are not terrorists".

It says proceeds from the new range will not go to the militant groups themselves, but to legal aid groups supporting "victims of the Israeli occupation and Colombian government".

Wednesday, September 17, 2008

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India's deaths in custody reach 1,500 a year

The recent death in custody of a man from a remote village in the central Indian state of Madhya Pradesh has sparked suspicion among human rights groups. It's been estimated that each year, more than 1,500 Indian prisoners die within less than a day of being arrested.

Presenter: Alana Rosenbaum
Speakers: Bateshi Bai, Saikheda Village resident; Tsering Samphal, Commission for Scheduled Tribes; Sankar Sen, former director, National Police Academy, Suhas Chakma, director, Asian Centre for Human Rights

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ROSENBAUM: The residents of Saikheda village celebrate the birth of Bal Ram, the brother of the god Krishna.
The festival offers a brief reprieve from the anger and frustration that's been mounting in Saikheda for weeks.
Late last month, a 19-year-old villager, Poppu Thakur, was arrested for stealing a coil of wire. Less than 12 hours later, he was found dead in the bathroom of the police station. When news of his death reached Saikheda, villagers blockaded the highway, demanding justice. Thakur was landless and earned his living as an agricultural labourer for high-caste Hindus. He belonged to the Gond tribe, a group indigenous to Madhya Pradesh. His mother, Bateshi Bai, lives off a narrow dirt road in a section of the village reserved for the Gond. She crouches beside her son's teenage widow in the family's one-room mud-brick house. Bateshi Bai says that several hours after her son's arrest, police brought her to the station in the town of Silvani, 10 minutes drive from the village.

BAI: Blood was coming from his nose, ears and eyes. He didn't hang himself, the police killed him. I want justice; the whole village is with me.

ROSENBAUM: She says she was left waiting for nine-hour without explanation and only knew her son was dead when she was finally taken to see his body.

An autopsy conducted near the police station concluded that Thakur died of asphyxiation due to hanging. A second post-mortem in Bhopal, the capital of Madhya Pradesh, reached the same conclusion.
Four police officers from the Silvani have been suspended pending a judicial inquiry. India's Commission for Scheduled Tribes, suspects foul play. Tsering Samphel is a member of the government-run organisation.

SAMPHEL: It is quite suspicious; his death was caused under police custody within the police station before

ROSENBAUM: Samphel says this was the third death in custody at the Silvani police station in four years. What's more, Thakur and one of the police officers are thought to have had a history of bad blood.

SAMPHEL: They had some enmity, some grudge against each other.

ROSENBAUM: Human rights groups estimate that more than one and a half thousand people die in custody each year. They say most of the victims perish during torture sessions to extract quick confessions. Sankar Sen, a former director of the National Police Academy, says that custodial violence is a serious problem in India.

SEN: Sometimes if you kick a man on the wrong side of the stomach he may die. I know of cases where the head was banged against the wall, not with the idea of killing him, but punishing him. As a result he died. Other ways, if a man is kept without sleep, without water, that kind of thing is there. There may be other devices also; sometimes he is wrapped with a blanket and then beaten so there's no sign on the body.

ROSENBAUM: He says that India's police force lacks a human rights culture, and many cops believe it's their role to punish criminals. Some states even have official encounter squads, called on to assassinate suspects.

SEN: This criminal justice system, cases carry on very long for a long time, so there's pressure on the police that you take justice in your hands and deal with it quickly.

ROSENBAUM: Suhas Chakma, director of the Asian Centre for Human Rights says most of the victims of custodial brutality belong to tribes and low castes.

CHAKMA: I think there is societal acceptance of torture, the fact that we have a caste system where the upper caste people perpetrate the most inhuman atrocities on the lower castes and the adivarsis, the indigenous people.

ROSENBAUM: Police officers face imprisonment if they're found guilty of torture, but bureaucratic red tape and long judicial delays make it difficult to enforce the law. Recently, India's Supreme Court criticised the "dehumanising torture, assault and death in custody which have assumed alarming proportions." More than a decade ago, the government signed the international convention against torture, but the document is yet to be ratified.

Another Maoist outfit taking shape in state


KOZHIKODE: A splinter group within the Naxalite spectrum has formed a new Maoist outfit- the People’s Liberation Front of India (PLFI)- , which also upholds the theory of armed struggle.

The CPI (Maoist) and the CPIML (Naxalbari) are the two Maoists organisations presently operating in the state.

PLFI is the frontal organisation of the Maoist Communist Centre of India (MCCI), a Maoist outfit which has its presence in states like Bihar.

A major chunk of the MCCI had merged with the CPI-ML (People’s War) in 2004 to form the CPI (Maoist).

But a section in the MCCI stayed away from the merger and continued to operate independently.

The PLFI has been formed by the elements in various states which are opposed to CPI (Maoists) for various reasons.

The declared aim of the outfit is to ‘support the Maoists to establish a new democratic republic of India.’ Some of the persons in the state committee of the PLFI were earlier with the CPI (Maoists). The state secretary of the MCCI in the state is a person who was a state committee member of the CPI (Maoists).

A woman cadre of the CPI (Maoist) has recently joined the PLFI.

Majority of the workers of the PLFI/MCCI are from North Kerala.

The formation meeting of the outfit was held in Iritty a few months ago.

The PLFI in the state is working in close co-ordination with the units in Karnataka and Tamil Nadu.

It has brought out a magazine titled Communist.

The outfit has organised campaign against hike in the price of essential commodities and poster campaign on Charu Mazumdar Day on July 28.

The PLFI had decided to organise agitation against the eviction of families from Moorkan Paramba for the proposed international airport in Kannur.

It has hailed the attack on Grey Hounds in Orissa and ransacking of the NABARD Office in Kalpetta.

The PLFI has some serious difference of opinion with the CPI (Maoists), mainly over military tactics.

The PLFI believes that CPI (Maoists) has converted people’s war into mere militarism.

Saturday, September 13, 2008

The Doctor, the State, and a Sinister Case

By Shoma Chaudhury
Source: Tehelka Magazine

Shoma Chaudhury's ZSpace Page

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[Editor's Note: Amnesty International (Australia) issued a press release in September 2008 updating the information in this article. Here is an excerpt from that press release:

"Delay in the trial process of jailed and award-winning human rights defender Dr. Binayak Sen followed by arrest of T.G. Ajay, also a human rights defender who attended his trial heightens serious doubts about Dr. Sen getting a fair trial at a Raipur district court in India, Amnesty International said on 25 June 2008....Amnesty International called for Dr. Sen's release soon after his arrest unless he was charged with a recognisably criminal offence [see report]...The authorities held him for seven months without proper filing of charges; in the meantime, he was denied bail; and was kept in solitary confinement for three weeks in March-April 2008; many of the charges against him stem from laws that contravene international standards. His trial, which commenced on 30 April, is now adjourned to 1 July. Dr. Sen's wife Dr. Ilina Sen, who met him last week in the jail, informed Amnesty International that he appeared weak and continued to suffer from severe gout which posed difficulties for him to take care of his daily needs. He also suffered from frequent micturation indicative of a prostate problem. Despite appeals to organise proper medical treatment as per jail rules, no concrete action has been forthcoming from the trial court."]

FAR AWAY from the glittering salons of Bombay and Delhi, away from its obsessions with booming malls and plummeting stocks, a good man waits in jail. He's been in for nine months. But it is unlikely that the story of Dr Binayak Sen would have caught your attention. He's been written about in bits. Some channels have covered him. But even though he is a mesmeric character -- intense, articulate, idealistic, a man of privilege who seeks nothing for himself -- and his imprisonment is a scandal that should shame any civilised society, for the most part, news of him here has been overwhelmed by hotter media preoccupations. Lead India competitions. And polls on who should be awarded Indian of the Year. Shah Rukh, Manmohan, or Vijay Mallya? Men like Dr Binayak can wait their turn in jail.

The story of Binayak Sen is the story of the dangerously thin ice India's democratic rights skim on. The story of every dangerous schism in India today: State versus people. Urban versus rural. Unbridled development versus human need. Blind law versus natural justice. It is the story of an India unraveling at the seams. The story of unjust things that happen -- unreported -- to thousands of innocent people, the story of unjust things waiting to happen to you and me, if we ever step off the rails of shining India to investigate what's happening in the rest of the country. Most of all, it is the story of what can be done to ordinary individuals when the State dons the garb of being under siege.

But, first the facts of the story.

A paediatric doctor by profession -- a gold medallist, in fact, from the prestigious Christian Medical College (CMC) in Vellore -- Binayak Sen, 56, has worked for more than 30 years with the tribal poor in Chhattisgarh, battling malnutrition, tuberculosis, and the lethal falciparum malaria strain rampant in the area. As a young man -- star pupil with the world at his feet -- he had turned his back on the many rich career options before him to take a job at a rural medical centre in Hoshangabad run by Quakers, where he was greatly influenced by Marjorie Sykes, Gandhi's biographer. Ideas of public health, sustainable development and a just society obsessed him. Walking the slums of Vellore as a graduate, he had understood very early that there is a crucial link between livelihood, living conditions and health. Bolstering this with a degree in social medicine from JNU, Delhi, he moved from Hoshangabad to Chhattisgarh in 1981, to work with Shankar Guha Niyogi, the legendary mine workers' unionist. Here, famously, he helped set up the Shaheed Hospital at Dallirajhara, built from the workers' own mo -- ney. Later, he moved away to the Mission Hospital in Tilda, and then, in 1990, joined his wife, Ilina Sen in Raipur, to set up Rupantar, an NGO through which the couple have worked for the last 18 years in training village health workers and running mobile clinics in remote outposts.

Drive 150 kilometres away from Raipur into the unforgiving dustiness of the forest around Bagrumala and Sahelberia in district Dhamtari, where Binayak ran his Tuesday clinic, and the heroic dimension of his work overwhelms you. There is nothing that could have brought a retired colonel's elite, accomplished son here but extraordinary compassion. Scratchy little hamlets, some no more than 25-houses strong. Peopled by Kamars and other tribals, the most neglected of the Indian human chain, destituted further by the Gangrail dam on the Mahanadi river. No schools. No drinking water. No electricity. No access to public health. And increasingly, no access to traditional forest resources. Here, stories of Binayak Sen proliferate. How he saved young Lagni lying bleeding after a miscarriage, how he rescued the villagers of Piprahi Bharhi jailed en masse for encroaching on the forest, how he helped Jaheli Bai and Dev Singh, how he helped create grain banks. "Do something. Save the doctor," says an old man in Kamar basti. "We have no one to go to now."

OVER THE YEARS, Binayak's medical work had morphed into social advocacy -- the two umbilically linked in a state like Chhattisgarh. As Dr Suranjan Bhattacharji, director, CMC Vellore, says, "Binayak walked the talk. He was an inspiration for generations of doctors. He stirred us. He reminded us that it takes many things -- access, freedom, food security, shelter, equity and justice -- to make a healthy society. He was the alternative model." In 2004, CMC honoured Binayak with its prestigious Paul Harrison Award. In a moving citation, it said, "Dr Binayak Sen has carried his dedication to truth and service to the very frontline of the battle. He has broken the mould, redefined the possible role of the doctor in a broken and unjust society, holding the cause much more precious than personal safety. CMC is proud to be associated with Binayak Sen."

Yet, barely three years later, on May 14, 2007, in a Kafkaesque twist, the State pressed a button and deleted Binayak Sen's long and dedicated history as a humanist and doctor. The police arrested him as a dreaded Naxal leader and charged him with sedition, criminal conspiracy, making war against the nation, and knowingly using the proceeds of terrorism (sic). Imagine the bewilderment. "Just a namesake doctor" the prosecution asserted, and with that act of wilful cynicism, a life of soaring vision and service was extinguished. Reduced to the rubble of the Indian justice system.Since Binayak was arrested, three courts have denied him bail, most damagingly, the Supreme Court on December 10, 2007 -- International Human Rights Day: an ironic detail. In this august court, Gopal Subramaniam, Additional Solicitor General of India and counsel for the Chhattisgarh government, argued that the Indian State was investigating terrorism in Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra and Binayak Sen was not only a part of this network of terrorism, but a key figure in the web. Granting him bail would jeopardise the health of the nation. The evidence available to back this claim would make dishonest men blanch, and honest men weep.

Sometimes the true measure of people is revealed in the small, random remarks of those who know them. When the Supreme Court denied him bail, an old man told an activist at a rally for Binayak, "If the courts are not going to free our doctor, should we storm the jail?" Then he continued ruefully to himself, "But what's the use? All the other prisoners would run away, but Dr Binayak would stay back."

DESPITE THIS formidable reputation, nothing has succeeded in bailing out Binayak Sen. Not affidavits by doctors from AIIMS and CMC who, inspired by Binayak, left cash-rich urban jobs to start the rural Jan Swasth Sahyog medical centre in Ganyari. Not 2000 signatures of doctors across the world. Not Binayak's years in the Medico Friends circle. Not his stints as a member of the government's own advisory committee on public health, not his pioneering work in creating the Mitanin health workers programme. Not even the fact that he voluntarily ret urned from Kolkata, where he was visiting his mother, to Raipur to confront the police about what he thought was a "simple misunderstanding". In a crushing irony, on 31 December 2007, seven months after he was arrested, the Indian Academy of Social Sciences conferred the R.R. Keithan Gold Medal on Binayak. Its citation said, "The Academy recognises the resonance between the work of Dr Binayak Sen in all its aspects with the values promoted by Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation."

Reasonable, one supposes, to incarcerate such a man in jail. As Vishwa Ranjan, the Director General of Police, Chhattisgarh, says, "So what? One can be a humanist and idealist and still be a Maoist." You could safely take his to be the wise voice of the State.

The most pressing question then, why was Binayak Sen arrested? What catalysed the catastrophic switch of identities that has overtaken his life? The surface details first.

PIECES IN A PARANOID JIGSAW

Going by available evidence, the three main actors in the police's case against Dr Binayak Sen have very little in common, except ordinary human transactions. However, an atmosphere of dread has been built around them by booking them under the draconian Unlawful Activities Prevention Act and Chhattisgarh Special Security Act

BINAYAK SEN

Doctor-activist

With a track record of 30 years of social advocacy and medical service behind him, Binayak Sen stuck by his sense of duty and intervened to get legal and medical aid for Narayan Sanyal, an old Naxal ideologue in Raipur jail, even though he knew it was like entering the "lion's mouth." He was arrested for this on May 14, 2007. He is still in jail

NARAYAN SANYAL

Naxal ideologue

Arrested in Andhra Pradesh in 2006, Narayan Sanyal was let off on bail. He was then arrested by the Chhattisgarh police on a murder charge. Sanyal's brother asked Binayak to help him get attention for a painful condition in his hand. Though every visit was officially sanctioned, the police now allege Sen was acting as an illegal courier

PIYUSH GUHA

Businessman

Piyush Guha is a tendu patta businessman from Kolkata. Known to Sanyal's elder brother, he was carrying Rs 49,000 as fees to be delivered to Binayak and handed to the lawyer. The police produced him on May 6, 2007 with 3 letters on him, allegedly from Sanyal. Guha says he was picked up on 1 May. The police claim him as their main evidence

Two years ago, in January 2006, Narayan Sanyal, 67, an elderly Maoist ideologue was arrested in Bhadrachalam, Andhra Pradesh. He was suffering from an extremely painful medical condition in his hand called Palmer's Contracture. The jail officials at Warangal had sanctioned treatment when Sanyal was let out on bail. He was immediately arrested by the Chhattisgarh police on a murder charge in Dantewada and taken to Raipur jail. In May 2006, Sanyal's elder brother, Radhamadhab, who lived in Kol -- kata, wrote a letter to Binayak Sen, as the general secretary of PUCL (People's Union for Civil Liberties), copied to other human rights organisations, asking for help in getting Sanyal a lawyer, as well as medical attention. As one of the most eminent human rights activists in the region, Binayak intervened. He got Bhishma Kinger, a lawyer who lived in the flat opposite his, to take up Sanyal's case, and also began corresponding with jail officials to facilitate Sanyal's surgery. Radhamadhab, old and himself ailing, came less and less from Kolkata, happy to have Binayak substitute in his affairs. Routine burdens of conscience, as any human rights activist will tell you.

On May 6, 2007, the Raipur police suddenly arrested Piyush Guha, a small Kolkata-based tendu patta businessman and an acquaintance of Radhamadhab, who was carrying Rs 49,000 to deliver to Binayak as fees for Kin ger. They also claim they found three unsigned letters on him addressed to a 'Mr P', a 'Friend V', and 'Friend', innocuously complaining about jail conditions, age, the onset of arthritis. These letters, which the police believe are from Sanyal, also contain amorphous advice to P, V, and Friend to expand work among the peasantry and urban centres, congratulations on a successful "Ninth Congress", and sundry other things. The police claim that Guha confessed that these ludicrously explosive letters of uncertain origin had been given to him by Binayak, acting as an illegal courier from the jailed detainee. As soon as Guha was produced before a magistrate, however, he said he had actually been arrested on May 1, and illegally detained and tortured for five days before being forced to sign a blank statement. The police further claim -- in what seems a preposterous leap of imagination -- that the Rs 49,000 was "a proceed of terrorism," despite the fact that, even nine months later, they have not been able to unearth any terrorist act whatsoever from which that money proceeded.

On this flimsy evidence, the police declared Binayak, who was in Kolkata, an absconding Naxal leader. The local media faithfully carried the story. Hearing of this and completely appalled, Binayak -- certain of his own integrity, certain of his impeccable track record, and believing in the constitutional framework of the Indian State -- returned to Bilaspur to sort out the misunderstanding, contrary to advice by well-wishers to stay away and take anticipatory bail. In Bilaspur, the police asked him to "just stop by" at Tarbahar police station for a statement. He did so, and was promptly arrested on May 14, 2007, under two of the most draconian laws in the country: the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act and the Chhattisgarh Special Security Act: aggravated mirror images of the dreaded TADA and POTA.Under these outrageous laws, merely to think something can land you in jail. As Kinger says, "I knew the judges would deny bail. If you are booked under these laws, you are done for. They are designed to create prejudice and a particular mindset in the judges."

One of the prosecution's weightiest accusations against Binayak is that he met Sanyal -- a known Naxal ideologue -- in jail 33 times. Set aside for a moment the many valid reasons why he might have done so: Sanyal's medical condition, the surgery, the intricacies of his case. Suppose even for a moment that Binayak was indeed a passive Naxal sympathiser, the moot point here is that each of those meetings were legally sanctioned and conducted under supervision. Is that fair reason to steal a man's freedom? The prosecution claims Binayak masqueraded as Sanyal's relative, but his wife, Ilina invoked the RTI Act and extracted all the letters Binayak had written to the jail authorities seeking permission to meet Sanyal: all of them were on official PUCL letterheads, duly signed by Binayak as its general secretary.

SINCE BINAYAK was arrested, the police has continually gone fishing and, post facto, pulled out the most absurd evidence against him, building the case up desperately, bubble by bubble, on the most laughable of things: a confessional love letter between supposed Maoists in which Binayak's name appears as a possible source of moral advice; a scrap of paper in Gondi allegedly recovered from an encounter site, which no one can decipher but in which the words PUCL and the Chhattisgarh Special Security Act features; a letter by Naxal leader Madan Barkade to Binayak complaining about jail conditions which he published among the human rights community. Innocuous, explainable things. Nothing there to the common eye that suggests Binayak is a grave threat to national security who must be denied bail pending trial.

What then explains the State's inordinate zeal to put away Binayak? What explains its intractable need to erase his gentle, morally unim-peachable, identity and erect a dread criminal in its place? Why is it literally manufacturing evidence against the good doctor? For instance, DGP Vishwa Ranjan claims Piyush Guha is their main evidence against Binayak. Yet, in a seemingly desperate attempt to make Guha look more incriminating than he does, weeks after he was arrested, the police suddenly took him to Purulia on June 4, 2007, and made him an accused in an old bomb blast case in Thana Bundwan -- a case in which his name was not even mentioned in the original FIR, filed a full year and a half earlier in October 2005! Why this inordinate zeal to paint Binayak black?

TO UNDERSTAND the full horror of Binayak Sen's case -- to get a grip on its significance for the sanity of this country at large -- one needs to take a close look at the state of Chhattisgarh. The story of Binayak is just the most high-profile example of hundreds of unnamed individuals like him, caught in the cross-hair of a State at war with its own people. Like theirs, his story is the story of suspended reason, suspended logic and suspended freedom that is the inevitable outcome of a State that paralyses itself with the scare of "national security." In many ways, Chhattisgarh is now seen as the epicenter of a Maoist insurgency that cuts across 13 states. In Chhattisgarh, by the government's own admission, most of Bastar and Dantewada are out of its jurisdiction. This is undoubtedly a difficult situation. Each year, hundreds of policemen, hapless tribals, and symbols of the state -- bridges, jails, telegraph poles -- are blown up by extremists. By Home Ministry estimates, there were 311 casualties in Chhattisgarh in 2007; 571 nationwide. Sympathisers will tell you Maoists have local support -- how much of this is voluntary, how much coercion, one can never accurately tell: the only way you can report on the Maoists is if they take you into the jungles to their camps. What you get then is obviously selective information. Typically though, all the regions under Maoist influence are regions where the government has been culpably remiss. Either schools, primary health care, roads, electricity, livelihood -- all the benign functions of State -- are completely missing. Or, the government is on a rampage of development and industrialisation, which is at odds with local aspirations and needs.

With predictable myopia, the Indian State has been meeting grievance with violence, illness with extermination. Not cure. Draconian laws. CRPF battalions. IRP battalions. Increased militarisation. Thousands of crores for upgrading police. Special funds for Naxal-affected States. An invitation to competitive violence: that has been the government's response to grassroots militancy. In Chhattisgarh, this manifested itself particularly harmfully in 2005 as the government-sponsored counter-revolution: the now infamous Salwa Judum, which pitted villager against villager and triggered a bloody civil war. 644 villages have been forcibly evacuated by the government, their residents forced into sub-human camps. Smoke out the support, is the State's war cry. Civil rights activists tell you, the State's real quarry is not even the Maoists, but the iron-rich soil, ready to be handed to private corporations, Nandigramstyle. There are rumours that the makeshift camps are now going to be turned into official revenue villages, which will force tribals to abdicate all the original evacuated land to the government. All of that is speculation still; but the excesses of the Salwa Judum are real.

It is against this backdrop that Binayak Sen caught the self-serving eye of the State. Narayan Sanyal is perhaps the least controversial case he had espoused. Santoshpur fake encounter. Gollapalli fake encounter. Narayan Kherwa false encounter. Raipur false surrender. Ram Kumar Dhruv's custodial death. Ambikapur. Lakrakona. Bandethana. Koilibera. Each of these hieroglyphs has a searing back story: some excess of State that Binayak and other human rights activists investigated and criticised. Most damningly, in December 2005, Binayak led a 15-member team from different organisations and published a scathing report on the Salwa Judum. It was the first of many reports that would expose and embarrass the government.

It's this back story that made Binayak so unpalatable to the government. Consciously or subconsciously, it wanted to make a lesson of him. Perhaps even that is to accord more coherence to the State than it deserves. The real story of Binayak is the myopia of an unintelligent, scare-mongering State. Having declared Maoists as the "gravest threat to national security", the Indian government has got itself into a George Bush like-twist. It sees weapons of mass destruction where there are none. Men like Binayak Sen start to look like Osama Bin Laden. Such are the perception tricks the "national security" prism can play on you.

In a mellow moment, DGP Vishwa Ranjan will admit there has been a miscarriage of justice. "Left to myself, I would have kept Binayak under surveillance, not arrested him," he says. A big admission. In the same breath though, he will tell you conspiratorially that they have a mountain of evidence gathering against him. Evidence they can neither show you, nor yet present in court. Binayak Sen however can moulder in jail, while they construct their paranoid jigsaw.

ON FEBRUARY 2, 2008, a windy, brisk morning in Raipur, Binayak Sen is produced in the sessions court, nine months after his arrest, for the framing of charges. A surreal mood descends. The jostling cops contrast badly with the dignified calm of the frail handsome man who climbs down from the police van. A cold, firm handshake, a clear, refined voice, "Thank you for being here." Then everyone is in the court room. Judge Saluja mumbles out the charges, distinctly uncomfortable. He can drop some of the inflated accusations, but he doesn't. Binayak, listening in the witness box, denies all the charges, then asks for some time with his wife and lawyers. The judge concedes.

There is a palpable fear in the air. Several doctors who've come in solidarity are afraid to talk. There have been a series of arrests across Raipur the previous day: two women making an arms drop, a travel agency owner, a journalist. Everyone's feeling hunted. It's difficult to tell truth from lie. The framed from the genuine.

Binayak Sen, however, seems curiously aloof from all of this. As the police hustle him into the van, he presses his face against the iron bars and says urgently, "You must understand, there is a Malthusian process of exclusion going on in the country. You cannot create two categories of human beings. Everybody must wake up to this, otherwise soon it will be too late." The concerns of the humanist are apparent even through the imprisoning bar. "If they arrest people like me, human rights workers will have no locus standi. I have never condoned Maoist violence. It is an invalid and unsustainable movement. Along with the Salwa Judum, it has created a dangerous split in the tribal community. But the grievances are real. There is an on-going famine in the region. The body mass is below 18.5. Forty percent of the country lives with malnutrition. In Scheduled Castes and Tribes, this goes up to 50 and 60 percent respectively. We have to strive for more inclusive growth. You cannot create two categories of people..."

Hardly conversation designed to dismantle the Indian nation. Ask him why he lent his services to Narayan Sanyal, a self-confessed Naxal, and Binayak's answer captures the essential sanctity of civil rights across the world. "I knew I was entering the lion's mouth," he says quietly, "but if you start stepping back, where do you stop? You cannot discriminate. Everybody has the right to legal aid and medical care. That is written in the Constitution. That is the basis of individual, human rights."

One of DGP Vishwa Ranjan's grouses is, "Why does he criticise the Salwa Judum more than the Maoists?" Binayak's answer would be that the Indian State has a greater responsibility to abide by the Constitution and due process of law than Maoists who've abdicated from the State. But that's a moral nicety official India obviously finds difficult to grasp.

Ask Ilina Sen where she finds the strength to fight this battle, and she says, "I realise this goes beyond Binayak and my family. We are part of a much larger fight. We are struggling for the right to dissent peacefully. Our commitment to that gives me strength." Again, a moral nicety official India would find difficult to grasp. Take Medha Patkar: 20 years of peaceful resistance. No result. Take Sharmila Irom: 7 years of heroic fasting. No result. Take Binayak Sen...

Binayak Sen will soon be on trial. To continue his imprisonment during this period is to foreclose the space for peaceful protest in India. It is to nurture weapons of mass destruction. It is to invite violent conversations. It is to further rent a tattered Gandhian dream.


This article was originally published in Tehelka Magazine, Vol 5, Issue 7, Feb 23, 2008.

Two shot dead by Maoists in Bihar village

PATNA: Suspected Maoist rebels shot dead two people and seriously injured two others in a village in Vaishali district of Bihar, police said on Saturday.

A group of armed Maoist guerrillas killed Subodh Kumar Singh and his brother Sudhanshu Kumar Singh at Ghoswar village under Sadar police station near the district headquarter of Hajipur, about 30 km from here, late Friday.

Police said the victims were associated with Bihar's ruling alliance partner Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Their relatives Pinki Devi and Anil Kumar were grievously injured in the attack and were admitted to the Patna Medical College Hospital on Saturday.

“Both were first admitted to the Hajipur Sadar Hospital and referred to Patna Medical College after their condition deteriorated,” a police official said.

Vaishali Superintendent of Police Paras Nath said a combing operation was being undertaken to nab the Maoists.

Friday, September 12, 2008

Anuradha Gandhi: A Marxist Theoretician, an Exemplary Communist & Great Leader of the Indian Revolutionary Movement



On April 12 2008 Anuradha (alias Narmada, Varsha, Janaki, Rama) passed away after an attack of falciperum malaria. With this the Indian working class lost one of its ablest and topmost woman leader who with sheer hard work, deep ideological and political study, and revolutionary dedication rose from the ranks to become a member of the Central Committee of the C.P.I (Maoist); the oppressed women of India lost one of the greatest champions of their cause, one who, for more than three and a half decades, relentlessly organised them, led them into struggles against oppression and exploitation; the Nagpur dalit masses and workers of the unorganised sector lost a leader who stayed among them, awakening and organising them; and the adivasi masses of Bastar, especially those
of South Bastar, worst affected by the genocidal Salwa Judum, lost their beloved didi, who worked among them for years sharing their weal and woe; and the students and intellectuals lost a revolutionary role model, who gave up the comforts of a middle class life in order to integrate with
the oppressed masses. She is the first Mahilla Central Commmittee Member to be martyred in the history of the Maoist movement in the country. She was just 54 at the time of her martyrdom. She had just returned after spending a week in Jharkhand taking classes amongst the tribals on the question of women’s oppression. After getting high fever on April 6th she was not able to get proper medical attention due to the difficulties of underground life. The local pathologist said there was no malarial infection in the blood and so she was treated for stomach upset by a local doctor. It was only on 11th after another blood test that she realised that she had falciperum malaria. Though even on that morning she appeared fine, inside, the falciperum bacteria had already affected her lungs, heart and
kidney which had already been weakened by systemic scerlosis. Though she was admitted in a hospital immediately, barely within an hour her systems began failing. Though she was put on oxygen and later life support systems, the end came the next morning. While on oxygen she was conscious and her eyes wide open. The same soft eyes with her depth of expression, though in acute pain with probable knowledge that she was sinking. The degeneration was catalyzed by the fact that she had an incurable disease, systemic sclerosis. This auto-immune disease first affected her hands and slowly attacked the inner organs. Detected two years ago and probably in existence since the last 5 years, it had already affected her lungs and heart beat. Yet, with her commitment to the masses and revolution she worked with the same ardour as earlier. She rarely spoke of the disease and took on even the most strenuous tasks. Her commitment to the cause of revolution was unshakable no matter what the ups and downs. Being with the incipient revolutionary movement right from her college days in the early 1970s in Mumbai, she gave up a career as a brilliant lecturer, and dedicated her entire life to the revolution to become a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of India (Maoist). At the 9th Congress-Unity Congress she was the single Mahilla comrade to be elected to its Central Committee. In this span of about 35 years work with the Indian revolutionary movement she has contributed much to the building of the revolutionary movement in the country, not only organisationally, but also politically and ideologically. She was one of the founders of the CPI (ML) Party in Maharashtra. Though her prime focus was in Maharashtra (both the Western and the Vidharbha region) her work also contributed to the building of the all-India organisation and even of the Dandakaranya movement. Even at a late age of over 40, and after serving as a senior professor teaching sociology to post-graduate students at Nagpur University, she moved to live with the tribals of Bastar staying with the armed squads for three years. She was there at the peak of the 1997
famine when her own health had deteriorated under those hard conditions of life. She started her political life at Elphinstine College Mumbai in 1972 which became the hub od radical left-wing activities in the 1970s, primarily due to her initiation. Earlier she had visited the Bangladesh refugee camps and had gone to the famine hit people with a group of students during the horrible famine in Maharashtra of 1972. Deeply moved by what she saw there, and being a very sensitive person, she began taking part in college activities and social work with the poor. While active amongst students
she came in touch with the student organisation PROYOM (Progressive Youth Movement), which was connected to the then Naxalite movement. She soon became its active member, and later one of its leaders. She also worked in the slums through which she developed her first interaction
with dalits, the dalit movement and the horrors of untouchability. She was a participant in the radical Dalit Panther movement of 1974; and in the 3-month long Worli clashes with the Shiv Sena. Her sensitive nature drew her to the agony of dalit oppression and led her to seek answers to it.
She read voraciously and gained a deep knowledge of Marxism. Later, in the post-Emergency period she became one the leading figures in the country in the civil liberties movement and was one of the initiators of the CPDR (Committee of Protection of Democratic Rights). In 1982 she moved from Mumbai to Nagpur and while teaching at Nagpur University she actively participated in, and played a leading role in the trade union and dalit movements in the region. In the process she went a number of times to jail. With State repression increasing she was forced to go underground. Later, at the call of the Party she went to Bastar to work among the tribals, and on returning she took up the responsibility once again of building the revolutionary movement in Maharashtra. Since the last 15 years she has been working in the underground building the Party and Maharashtra as well as leading the women’s wing of the Party, until her sudden and untimely demise.

Early Life

Anuradha Shanbag, fondly called Anu throughout her legal days, was born on March 28 1954. She was born and brought up in an atmosphere of rational and progressive thinking as her parents were one time CPI members who had themselves got married in the undivided CPI office in Mumbai in the 1940s. She was the elder of two children, with her brother growing to become a noted stage artist and script writer from Mumbai. Her father was, in the 1950s, in the Defence Committee taking up the
legal cases of the communists arrested in the Telangana struggle and later became a well known progressive lawyer of Mumbai; the mother is an active social worker who, even at this late age, is active with a women’s group. Her father later became a well known lawyer in the Bombay High
Court. With the father a Kannadiga and mother a Gujarati and with all the aunts (from the mother’s side) at one time in the CPI (an uncle from Aurangabad was till his death a top leader of the CPI) she was brought up in a non-religious, liberal atmosphere from childhood itself. An atmosphere of serious reading, intellectual creativity, and rational thinking, and a pro-poor attitude, was very much part of her entire upbringing. In this atmosphere she excelled academically in both school and college.
With a very sharp mind and a quick grasping ability, she topped in studies with ease. Being a very lively person she would mix very easily with one and all. Though she chose a different path from most of her school mates, they still hold fond memories of her. She went to the J.B.Petit School not
too far from her parent’s house. She was a topper throughout her school days. She was also involved in many extra-curricular activities. Particularly she had a keen interest in Indian classical dancing, which she had picked up during her school days. She joined Elphinstone College in 1971 and though she soon became active in student work she continued her meritorious run in college. She was a popular mass leader and able to attract many students to the movement. It was these students organised by her that later went on to build the powerful student organisation in the post-emergency period, the VPS (Vidhyarthi Pragati Sanghatna). She went on to do her MA in sociology and later M.Phil. Later she began lecturing, first in Wilson College (Chowpatti) and then at the Jhunjhunwalla College (Ghatkopar). Just as she was a good student she was also a very popular and effective lecturer. She was a favourite amongst her students. That was her nature, whatever task she took up she did with a lot of fervour and diligently. In this post-emergency period she plunged into the nationwide civil liberties movement for the release of political prisoners and was one of the founder members of the CPDR (Committee for the Protection of Democratic Rights) in Mumbai. She became a public figure and a renowned civil liberty’s activist throughout the country. In Nov.1977 she married a fellow comrade at a small function involving only the families on both sides. She became a popular Maoist
speaker within the countrywide civil liberties movement, which was a broad front of Maoists and all others who had been falsely incarcerated during the Emergency. It was her sensitive nature and intellectual interests that attracted her towards the worldwide communist upsurge of that time, during her college days. The anti-US movement in support of the Vietnam revolution and the huge impact of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution had a major impact on the youth throughout the world. In India the additional attraction of the youth of that time was the Naxalbari uprising when thousands of students gave up their careers and education and selflessly went to the countryside. All this had a big impact on the young Anu who was already much moved by the famine stricken people she had visited
in 1971. Reading the accounts of the Chinese revolution and the GPCR by western authors inspired Anu and many of that generation. The purity of the self-sacrificing nature of the first generation naxalites, many of whom were killed in the prime of their youth, further acted as inspiration.
Drawn into the revolutionary student movement of that period Anu soon became a committed revolutionary. Since then there has been no looking back. Being a brilliant student she sacrificed a very promising career; though she later married, she sacrificed the desire to have children, so that she would not get distracted from her revolutionary responsibilities. She studied Marxism deeply to equip herself with the tools that could keep her on the revolutionary track in the face of all alien ideas propping up. She always took on the most ardous tasks without any complaint. She never gave a thought for herself, whether health, family or any other personal matter. She was deeply affected by the injustice all around, and realising that only revolution could solve it, she gave her entire life for the
poverty stricken masses of our country. Neither acute hardships, dangers from the police and government, not poor health, shook her determination to the cause she had taken up. Even on the very morning of the day she collapsed, inspite of high fever, she was completing some urgent task
she had taken up before going to the hospital. Ofcourse, that morning there was no indication whatsoever that she would never return. But, within hours her internal organs began failing and then she was no more.

Growth as a Renowned Revolutionary Mass Leader

During the late 1970s Anuradha was in the forefront of the countrywide civil liberties movement. In the early 1980s, with the formation of the CPI(ML)(People’s War), and the spread of the revolutionary movement to Gadchiroli district of Maharashtra, there was talk of the need to spread the revolutionary activities from Mumbai to Vidharbha. Here too she was one of the pioneers, giving up her job in the
Mumbai College and her high profile public life and shifting to Nagpur; a place totally unknown to her. With her record as a good lecturer, she soon landed a job of teaching sociology to post-graduate students in Nagpur University. Her focus of activities in Vidharbha was primarily trade union work and amongst dalits. In the trade unions she worked primarily amongst construction workers and led many a militant struggle. Most notable was the lengthy strike at the Khaparkheda (30 kms from Nagpur) thermal power plant being constructed, of about 5,000 workers. This ended in police firing
and curfew being declared in the region. She was also involved in organising the ‘molkarins’ (house servants) of Nagpur, workers in the MIDC companies at Hingna (Nagpur), railway workers, bidi workers in Bhandara, powerloom workers at Kamptee (15 kms from Nagpur), and other unorganised sector workers, and later shifted to Chandrapur to help organise the coal-mine and construction workers there. Most of these unorganised sector workers had defacto no basic trade union rights
and were totally ignored by the traditional unions. She also developed links for joint activities with other progressive trade union leaders of the region from not only Nagpur, but also from Chandrapur, Amravati Jabalpur, Yeotmal, etc. In these struggles she was arrested a few times, and had spent a number of days in Nagpur jail. Inspite of her job, she became a renowned revolutionary trade union leader of the region. Besides this, she was even more active within the dalit community organising and awakening them against caste oppression and for their liberation from this oppressive system. She was infact one of the pioneers amongst the revolutionary Marxists to have addressed the issue of dalit
oppression and caste discrimination at a very early stage itself. She had read extensively Ambedkar and other sociological writings on the caste question. Unlike the traditional Marxists she fully identified with dalits and infact moved her Nagpur residence to one of the largest dalit bastis
of Mahrashtra, Indora. Though this was a stronghold of most of the dalit leaders and a hotbed of dalit politics, large sections of the youth soon began getting attracted to the Naxalites. Particularly the cultural troupes she helped organise had enormous impact. She grew to become the open face of the Maoists in the dalit movement; and became one of the major public speakers at most dalit meetings in Vidarbha. Though vehemently opposed by the dalit leaders, with her deep study of Ambedkar,
dalit issues and caste oppression, she could stand her ground, with widespread support from the youth.
She wrote profusely on the topic in both English and Marathi presenting a class view-point to the issue and countering not only the numerous post-modernist trends on this issue but the wrong Marxist
interpretations of the dalit and caste questions. The most elaborate article on the issue was a 25-page piece in Marathi that appeared in Satyashodhak Marxvad (the organ of Sharad Patil from Dhule) explaining a Marxist stand on the dalit question and linking dalit liberation with the task of the
new democratic revolution in the country. Till today this article is quoted by many. Many years later it was she who prepared the original draft on the basis of which the erstwhile CPI (ML)(PW) prepared the first ever caste policy paper within the Marxist movement in India. In this draft she outlined that in India the democratisation of society is inconceivable without smashing the elitist caste system and fighting all forms of caste oppressions, most particularly its crudest form against dalits in the form
of untouchability. Much of the views expressed by her then in the mid- 1990s, have now been adopted by the CPI (Maoist) in its recent Congress. Besides, all this, she was also instrumental in building the
revolutionary women’s movement in Nagpur. She stood out as a shining example for all progressive women who actively overcame all the patriarchal constraints of society around to play a leading role on varied fronts and in the Party. She inspired a large number of women to not only the women’s organisation but also the Party. Besides these two fields of work there were many notable events
that occurred in which she played a pioneering role while in Nagpur. Particularly we mention two such examples; which had an indelible revolutionary impact on the consciousness of the people of Vidharbha. The first was the Kamlapur Conference of 1984; the second was the proposed JNM Cultural programme led by Gaddar, in 1992. the Kamplapur Conference was organised deep in the forests of Gadchirolli by the incipient Naxalite movement in the region. A massive campaign, led by
Anuradha, was carried out all over Vidarbha, while the armed squads did a hug mobilisation within the forests. Though the conference was ruthlessly crushed by the police, hundreds and thousands of people began flocking towards Kamplapur — a small village deep in the forests. The revolutionary message from Kamlapur reverberated throughout the region for months. The proposed Gaddar programme in Nagpur, which too was crushed by ruthless police action, had an even greater impact. People still recollect the diminutive Anuradha climbing onto a motor cycle to address the large crowd gathered on the streets outside the college hall which had been sealed by the police, inspite of a High Court order allowing the programme. Though thousands of police had surrounded the hall and
occupied all approach roads to it, the big gathering included a large number of journalists, lecturers, writers, lawyers, and even senior faculty members. All were lathi-chared as soon as Gaddar was produced. Though the programme did not take place this was head-line news for nearly two
months. Both these events had a major impact on spreading revolutionary views widely all over Vidharbha and it was she who was the main architect of both these programmes. Inspite all these activities she was a very popular teacher amongst her students showing a high level of responsibility towards them, not missing a single lecture. Like any task she took up, she would be thorough
and conscientious about it. So, she was much loved by her students, and respected by her professor colleagues. But later, due to intense police pressure the Party felt her affectivity would be more from the underground. And so, since about 1994 she has functioned continuously from the underground; braving all the difficulties of underground life. During her one-and-a-half decade in the Vidharbha region she had an enormous impact on the region in bringing revolutionary politics to the area. Not only did she, together with others, build a revolutionary working class movement, and powerful revolutionary movement among dalits, but she also helped build the revolutionary student movement and attracting a vast cross-section of intellectuals, including senior professors, journalists, noted playwrights and top advocates of the region. Soon after coming to Nagpur, after the death of revolutionary writer of AP, Cherabandaraju, she got his poems translated into Marathi and an anthology containing those poems was released at a function by the most renowned Marathi
poet of the region. The Marathi translation of the poems sold extensively in all Maharashtra, creating a major impact. Among the many fields she worked, her most effective impact was taking revolutionary politics amongst the dalits and arousing them to a revolutionary consciousness.She was one of the most prominent leaders f the civil liberties movement in the post Emergency period and played a prominent role in the famous Civil Liberties Conference held in 1977 at Delhi, demanding the release of political prisoners. The conference included such leading lights as V.M.Tarkunde, Govinda Mukhoty, Subba Rao, Sudesh Vaid and even some ruling class elements as George Fernandez and Arun Shourie. She continued this role through the 1980s inspite of all her other activities. She also played a role in the formation of the AILRC (All India League of Revolutionary Culture) formed in 1983. She was one of the main speakers at the Sindri (near Dhanbad) Conference of the AILRC in 1985, together with KVR, Gaddar, VV and others, and till today she is much remembered by the comrades of Bihar and Jharkhand (many in the leadership today) who were attracted to the revolutionary movement by the impact of that Conference and the cultural performances. Many in the region remember her fondly from those days.
Call of Bastar

Having carried the revolutionary message of the Dandakaranya movement to the rest of Vidharbha, she, without flinching, responded to the call of the Party to shift base to Bastar. In the second half of the 1990s she spent three years living with the squads amongst the Bastar tribals. Carrying a rifle and in military fatigue she spent the next three years of her revolutionary life amongst the tribals of DK. She went out of her way to gather many a PHD study on the Gond tribals to the Party leaders of DK. She always maintained that these three years were one of the most fulfilling in her life where she learned about the lives and struggles of the Gond tribals of Bastar. She keenly studied their lives and how the movement was built. She particularly focused on the lives of the women, their organisation, the KAMS (Krantikari Adivasi Mahilla Sanghathna) and the women in the squads. She too learned how to wield the gun and as part of the squad she carried one for her self-defence. In fact, on one
occasion she had a very narrow escape when the police came within feet of where they were resting. Their firing missed her and the retaliation by her squad allowed them to retreat without any loss of life.
She spent most of her time in the Byramgadh area which, recently, has been in the limelight for facing the brunt of the Salwa Judum attacks.Though she contracted malaria a number of times while she was there it was never the dangerous falciperum kind; besides she was in the good care of the local Party that showed much concern for her. Her tenacity in staying with the squads astounded and impressed even the local tribals who would time and again mention how at this late age she had managed to come and stay there. During this period she also spent much time in taking classes, mainly for the growing leadership amongst tribal women. She took classes on women’s health issues, women’s oppression and the new democratic revolution, on imparting general knowledge, on giving the rudiments of Marxism, etc. She helped draft handbills and wrote numerous articles in the local Party magazine. Towards the last part of her stay she was given independent charge of the West Bastar area covering what is known as the National Park region. This too is a region which is affected by the recent Salwa Judum onslaught. While she was there she guided and developed the movement
in the area. She was there during the peak of the 1997 famine in which hundreds had died of starvation in other areas. Here, with the Party seizing grains from the hoarders and distributing grain the damage was much controlled. During this period, attacks of malaria, the terrible dry heat of summer, coupled with the famine conditions took a toll on her health, when she lost about 10 Kgs of weight. It was only her enormous commitment to the cause of the people, and tremendous will-power that kept her going under even these worst conditions. Besides, her nature was such that she never showed any of her own sufferings. She always bore pain, whether physical or mental, without complaining, or others coming to know. After returning from Bastar she took up Party responsibilities in Mahaashtra while continuing an underground existence. For the last decade she has contributed to building the revolutionary movement in Maharashtra, besides playing the major role in running the Mahilla subcommittee of the Party since 2001.

Party Life

Anu’s commitment to the oppressed masses was unflinching. It was this concern for the well-being of the poverty stricken masses that drew her to revolutionary politics. Unable to tolerate the poverty and humiliation that the poor faced, she sought answers. The terrible humiliation that dalits faced due to untouchability and other forms of inhuman discrimination drew her to study the caste question in India and Ambedkar’s writings and own the cause of the dalits from a very early period. At that time dalit issues were not the fashion as it now is, and was anathema in most Marxist circles. Even as a student she joined in the Marxist study circles run by the then incipient Party. She was one of the chief architects of the building the revolutionary movement in Mumbai in the 1970s. She played a premier role in the revolutionary student movement and building up the Party core within it. She was a founder member of the CPI (ML) Party in Maharashtra. Popularity and fame never went to her head and she easily switched to a new low profile role as per the needs of the Party. When the need grew to develop a political movement in Vidarbha after the initiation of the Gadchiroli armed movement, she willingly volunteered to shift from her home base in Mumbai and move to a place where she did not know even a single person. There, she soon managed a part-time teaching job with post-graduate students in Nagpur University and thereby gained social acceptability locally. She was an ordinary member of the Party when the CPI(ML)(People’s War) was formed in 1980 and after she moved to Nagpur she played a leading role in building the Party and revolutionary movement there. Later, she became a member of the Vidharbha Regional Committee of the Party. As a VRC member she played an important role in building the Party in the region. After coming back from Bastar she was elected to the Maharashtra State Committee of the Party. Later she was also given additional responsibility as part of the Central Mahilla Sub-committee, ever since it was established. She attended as a delegate to both the 2001 Congress held by the erstwhile CPI(ML)(PW) and the Unity Congress-ninth Congress of the CPI(Maoist) . She was the only delegate that was elected to the Presidium of both the Congresses, which conducted its proceedings. At the 2001 Congress she was elected as an Alternate Member of the Central Committee. At the time of her martyrdom she was a member of the highest body of the CPI (Maoist), it’s Central Committee, with independent charge of the Central Mahilla Sub-Committee and also a part of the CC’s South Western Regional Bureau. As part of her role in
this Sub-Committee she played an important role of drafting the Women’s Perspective of the Party. At the time of her death she was working on studying the problems women comrades were facing in the Party, the varied forms of patriarchy they face, and devising a rectification plan that would help the growth of women comrades, so that they can grow to take greater leadership responsibilities. In fact her very last task was taking a class of the leading women activists from Jharkhand, mostly from tribal background, to explain the Women’s Perspective of the Party. Her untimely and premature death will have a serious impact on the revolutionary movement in the country and particularly on the development of women’s work in the Party as also the development of work in Maharashtra.

Anu, an Exemplary Communist

Almost child-like, her face was a mirror of expression of her emotions/feelings; pretence, falsehood, intrigue, ego, etc, were unimaginable for her. And this nature never changed through all the traumatic decades of revolutionary life. It was her extremely high level of honesty towards herself and others that attracted all genuine people towards her; even those who disagreed with her views. She had a natural ability of mixing and integrating into any environment … whether it is of tribals, dalits, and construction workers or of top academics, intellectuals of the country. Her simplicity and child-like innocence, together with her enormous liveliness made her a most likable person. She was totally selfless, uncaring about her own comforts and even health, with a lot of concern for others. She was exceedingly hardworking, with a very strong sense of discipline. She was the type of person that if
she took up any task all could be rest assured it would get done. She had a strong sense of responsibility towards people and any task what-soever, however trivial it may be. This was reflected in her teaching work, political work, or anything she took up. It was reflected in her attitude
towards her students, colleagues, comrades, or, in fact, any person she was associated with. And one of her best and most lovable qualities was her high sense of principles. She was an extremely principled person standing up for what she believed in and not a person to adjust her beliefs
according to the views of others, however senior, or for the sake of some petty gains. So, people could trust her implicitly. Yet, she had the modesty to be a willing learner.While being creative and not stereotype in her thinking, she was always firm on the Party line and Marxist ideology and never compromised with views she felt incorrect, no matter who was presenting them. It was this steadfastness that allowed her to stay with true revolutionary forces till her very last, through all the ups and downs in her over 3½ decade long revolutionary life. Yet, she had the positive approach of seeing the positives in others, even with those she differed with, and showing respect to all, no matter what her differences. Though impatient at times she never bore grudges against others. In that way she acted as a solid and steadfast anchor for the Party, through all its ups and downs, particularly in Maharashtra. She never knew fear and even in the face of death, during the last moments of consciousness her eyes had the same softness and tenderness as was in the normal days. She took up the most arduous and dangerous tasks at very critical changes in her political life — this was reflected in her ability to give up her high profile public life when she was in Mumbai and overnight shift to Nagpur where not a sole knew her; then again she could give up her University job and image of
one of the most popular leaders of Nagpur and go underground and join the squads in Bastar; even in her very last days when the bulk of the Party leadership was arrested in Maharashtra it was she who held the Party together though it was high risk with the police specifically hunting for her.
And all these qualities shone through her personality even as a woman activist in this highly patriarchal and feudal atmosphere in the country. As a person she had all the qualities of what a real human-being and comrade should be like. All these excellent qualities enabled her to become
a true and genuine communist. Her loss is an enormous loss for the revolutionary and democratic movement of the country; and more particularly for its progressive and revolutionary women.

Anuradha Gandhi as the leader, theoretician and teacher of the Revolutionary Women’s Movement of India

It was the year 2001. Delegates from about 16 states celebrated March 8th with great gusto in the camp organized for conducting the 9th Congress of the erstwhile CPI (ML) (People’s War). Martyr comrades
Padma and Lalitha from North Telangana planned the whole programme with great enthusiasm along with other women delegates and the comrades in the camp. There were many speakers. One comrade from the CC also spoke and after a very educative speech straight away went for a public self criticism on their part (meaning leadership in the areas where they held responsibilities) about not organizing women on a large scale into the movement and not being able to sustain them due to problems of
patriarchy also along with other problems. He said how inspired he was with impressive participation of women in many armed struggle areas like DK, NT and AP and vowed to correct the mistakes and ensure large participation of women in the party and army. His speech reflected the serious introspection of the party about how to involve more women into the party, army and the UF in areas where it is poor and how to bring women into leadership even where their participation is large. But on a private note it could be also the result of the discussions women delegates were having in their spare time with the delegates from various areas about the participation of women in the movement. One of them was Anuradha Gandhi, then known as Com. Janaki. The Congress discussed about this question seriously so much so that the hall passed a resolution that a central level women’s sub committee should be formed which would strive to increase the participation of women in the revolution and solve the problems related to their development. The new CC elected in that 2001 Congress promptly formed a women’s sub committee at the Central level and Com. Janaki, as the
senior most woman comrade and as a comrade with vast experience in building up various mass organizations and her in depth understanding of MLM, was chosen to lead it. We all know that in a communist party there is no need that a Women’s Commission or a sub committee should be headed by a woman only. So we should understand she was chosen for her exemplary abilities and experience and theoretical knowledge for this important and challenging task as a party leader. She was elected as an alternative member to the CC in the same Congress, the first woman in the history of the erstwhile CPI (ML) (PW) to be elected so. In fact she was the first woman comrade to be elected to a state committee in the party too (Com. Padma was elected as an alternate member to the state committee in North Telangana in the same period and almost immediately after the Congress was co opted as
a full member). Com. Janaki was the first woman comrade to be in the presidium in the Congress in the party. Once again she was in the presidium in the 9th Congress – Unity Congress of the CPI (Maoist), a testimony to her skills in presiding over the highest forum in the party. At the 2001
Congress she took on the additional task of translating from the stage and did it with equal ease from English to Hindi and vice versa with amazing precision and speed in the sessions both times. One of the first tasks of the new sub committee (CMSC now onwards for Central Mahila Sub Committee) was to enrich the party document ‘Our Approach towards woman question’ which was first released by the party in 1996. Com. Janaki’s theoretical depth very much contributed in its enrichment. (We feel proud to announce here that Com. Saketh, martyr Comrade of Karnataka had done a lot of contribution for this). Once again she was to take up the task of revising it along with some CC comrades after the formation of CPI (Maoist). She had taken classes on this document too in various movement areas of India like Bihar, Jharkhand and Maharashtra. She had a flair for languages and could take classes in English, Hindi, Marathi and probably in Gondi too which she picked up
fast while in DK. She was a very patient teacher and explained the concepts as many times as is required till the students understood. She always encouraged students to ask questions and get their doubts cleared.She used very simple language when she had to take classes to the adivasi
or peasant comrades but never left any complex concepts unexplained. This is something all party teachers should emulate. Her experience as a lecturer may have been an asset in taking classes but the main motive force within was her undying zeal as a communist teacher to educate the future cadres of the revolution so that they become good leaders with a thorough understanding of MLM. Even in private discussions whenever anybody asked any doubt she always explained with enthusiasm till their
doubt is cleared. Because of her theoretical clarity and command over language she could do it with exceptional ease. In Jharkhand where she took her last class a few days before her death, the students were so overwhelmed by their beloved teacher that they found it very difficult to part from her and accompanied her till a long distance to give her a moving farewell. Some of them continued in spite of her requests to go back and almost went till the last step of her journey to outside the forests;
and parted with her asking her to come again and again for taking such classes and educating them. What would those poor peasant, adivasi girls and women comrades, students who in turn inspired their teacher, have felt when they heard the news of her sad demise? One can only try to imagine Another of the tasks the CMSC took up was to prepare notes for the of preparing the most theoretical of them ‘Marxism and Feminism’ ‘naturally’ fell to her. She had prepared the notes and also took classes
on them. She was to revise it further in May and finalize it. It is our great loss that we lost her before she finished this task but the notes which have been completed give a glimpse of her analytical capabilities and in depth understanding of MLM. She did not believe in anything in a dogmatic way and tried to analyze using the later day experiences women were gaining both in India and the world. She had studied a lot for preparing these notes in spite of her busy schedules and age and health
problems. She never said no to responsibilities and tried to fit in these kinds of writing works by managing her time in a better way. She felt most comfortable in writing in English (she had mentioned this) but could write well in Marathi and Hindi also. Her drafting was excellent in English; she could explain very complex concepts in fewer words but in a lucid manner. She was the best woman theoretician of the party who could explain, debate and write on ideological questions in the party. She had voluntarily taken up the task of studying and writing notes on the Russian and Chinese experiences in building up the women’s movement but due to the developments in Maharashtra (arrests of senior comrades) she had to take up more responsibilities and so could not get started on this task yet. Now we can only grieve over how many more theoretical contributions she would have made to the party on many issues and especially the women’s issue on which she was concentrating of late.She had contributed many articles to People’s March on the women’s issues and drafted March 8 calls of the party as CMSC member since 2001. Her articles have been translated into Telugu and Hindi and printed in women’s magazines of the states. In the beginning of 2004 she led the two member team of CMSC which held discussions with a women leader of the Philippines’ women’s
movement and the secretary of New Zealand party (who happened to be a woman comrade) for exchanging information and experiences regarding women’s movement and about women in the party and army. She had prepared the note on the discussion with the New Zealand comrade for the understanding of the leadership. The CMSC had been organizing field trips to various struggle areas
and Com. Janaki led the two member team for the first of such field trips to Bihar and Jharkhand in 2002. She had taken classes on the women’s perspective and the team also had in depth discussions on the problems of women comrades and obstacles in their recruitment and retaining them in the party and army with the leadership. The team had written a report on the trip with their observations and suggestions for the CC.The CMSC’s field reports were for the CC to look into these matters.
This report not only appraised the CC of the problems there but also helped the CMSC to prepare some guidelines while going on such field trips as this was the first of the kind. She and another comrade had gone to the Balaghat – Gondia area to take classes and they also held a workshop
there with the women comrades to understand and help the party in solving them. Her observations were sharp and her deep understanding of socialist man-woman relations and the role of patriarchy in obstructing women’s development helped the party leadership in understanding the problems of women comrades. She never minced words and was forthright in putting forward her opinions to correct the mistakes in the party be it on women issues or others.She was assisting and guiding another comrade since 2001 in looking after the All India women’s work and since 2004 she was given the full responsibility of it. She fulfilled this task facing many odds amidst increasing state repression and at great risk. Undauntedly she tried to use every resource at her disposal to guide this work. Since 2006 she was actively guiding the work of consolidating the women’s work at all India
level. The classes and workshop held in Jharkhand in March, 2008 (where she caught the deadly falciperum malaria) were part of this consolidation work. She was to completely concentrate on this task now and it is an irretrievable loss to the All India Revolutionary Women’s Movement to
have lost such an indefatigable leader at this crucial juncture. After the formation of the CPI (Maoist) the CMSC was reconstituted and another comrade was heading the CMSC but after the arrest of that
comrade com. Janaki had once again taken up the responsibility as the in-charge of the CMSC. In the 9th Congress – Unity Congress of the CPI (Maoist) she was elected to the CC, only the second woman to be elected to the highest body and the only one at present since the other woman comrade was in jail. Since 2001 Com. Janaki was the leading person in the CMSC in the erstwhile PW and since 2005 in the CPI (Maoist) and left her indelible mark on all the tasks taken up by it till now.She had sclerosis since 5 years but it was diagnosed properly only 2 years back. In spite of this and other health problems she never complained and more importantly never felt prey to self pity and “just took it in herstride” (to quote her) and tried to make the best of it. This unbending spirit of hers is to be imbibed by every comrade and especially women comrades who tend to self pity when faced with such problems (due to the patriarchal concepts put in their heads by this society). It was really astounding how she got herself to climb steps and mountains with such serious problem and also hold the pen to write in such beautiful handwriting with her visibly misshapen fingers! Though those close to
her complained that she is not taking enough care of herself she smiled and tried to fit in time for her health. But obviously neither those who complained nor she herself even in their wildest imagination would have thought that such an illustrious life would end in this manner.Her experience both in urban and rural areas (three years in DK and also her various trips to the rural areas as part of her work), her aptitude to understand the problems of women in both kinds of work and in the party, army and the UF, her competence to tackle them at both ideological and practical levels was indeed a rare combination, and that too in a woman comrade given the various constraints women faced in this
patriarchal society. She unsparingly gave the best of these abilities to solve the problems of women inside the party. She was to lead the CMSC in studying the problems of development of women comrades in the party, army and UF, which the CMSC had taken up recently. It is not just a great loss not to have her guidance in fulfilling the task but all the more painful because she was one of the shining examples of what women could achieve in spite of the patriarchal barriers and was serving as a live model to the women comrades. Bur her life will continue to be a beacon light for generations of youngsters and especially the women joining the revolutionary movement.

Anuradha’s Untiring Struggle Against Caste Discrimination & Untouchability

Anuradha was just a fresh recruit to the revolutionary movement and beginning to understand Marxism-Leninism-Maoism when the Dalit Panther movement burst over Mumbai. Modelled along the Black Panther movement of the US, it burst out as a reaction against caste oppression
and untouchability on a scale never seen before. It particularly targeted the upper caste Hindu fascists, particularly the Shiv Sena and exposed the servile dalit/RPI (Republican Party of India) leadership. It was initiated and led by dalit cultural youth who brought out radical poetry and stories; all of whom were from the slums of Mumbai. They believed in physical retaliation against any form of oppression or atrocities against them, and also resorted to it. They Panther rage spread like wild fire throughout
Maharashtra and even to the neighbouring states. The rejected Hinduism and all the feudal muck that goes with it. The ruling classes became panicky and pressed into service their faithful tool, the newly formed fascist Shiv Sena. Sena goons and the police launched a massive physical onslaught on the Panthers and by end 1974 the Worli area of Mumbai turned into a battlefield with the police quarters situated at the BDD Chawls acting as the centre for Sena operations and the neighbouring slums the
centre for dalit retaliation.It was one such slum that Anuradha was already working. Mayanagar
was a fully dalit slum and was soon to become the strongest fortress withstanding the Sena/Police physical attacks. Many of the leading youth of the slum also became a part of the second layer of leadership of the Dalit Panthers. The pitched battles continued for three months without any let-up. The Sena used police weapons, swords, tube-lights, acid, etc; the Panthers used stones, tube-lights, knives and in Mayanagar the youth were taught the use of Molotov Cocktails. The Sena and police
could capture most other slums but were regularly beaten back at Mayanagar. Many of the dalit activists from neighbouring slums took refuge in Mayanagar to escape police/Sena attacks. It was during this time there was an election for the Parliament in this area, which the Panthers actively boycotted, leading to the defeat of the RPI leader B.C.Kamble. Anuradha played a role in building up this resistance. The then M-L group in Mumbai (later to become Janashakti) first condemned
the Panther movement and later, when it began collapsing and the leaders getting co-opted, began tailing it. In the short span of its existence the Dalit Panther movement brought a radical change in the thinking amongst the SCs of the State and introduced the term Dalits for SCs rather than the hinduised ‘Harijan’ of M,K,Gandhi. It also introduced a radical cultural trend in Marathi literature. Dalit literature, though later co-opted by the state and ruling classes continues to sprout radical views in the bastis and mohallas as also many a rural ghetto in the state. Then, there was not yet any deep understanding on the Dalit question but Anuradha played an active role standing with the dalit masses and against the Shiv Sena and other reactionaries. This was her first involvement on the issue.
It is then that she began studying the dalit issue in earnest. Being a lecturer in sociology, she studied many sociological writings on the issue, the writings of Ambedkar, etc and while being involved with the dalit masses sought to understand the problem from a class/Marxist viewpoint.The Panther movement and its aftermath pushed the dalit question on to the agenda of the oppressed masses, in a way it had never done earlier. Soon all progressives, leftists, Marxists had to define their position
vis-à-vis caste oppression and the horrors of untouchability. In Maharashtra two trends developed within the progressive circles: the first was a sort of post-modernist approach, led primarily by the likes of Gail Omvedt; the other was a negation of the very issue itself by the traditional Marxists. There was yet another approach in the left circles that sought to combine Marxism and Ambedkar’s writings, the leading protaganist of whom was Sharad Patil. It was Anuradha who began polemics with all these trends and in the process evolving a class/Marxist view-point to the dalit question in India. The culmination of this process was the lengthy article in Satyashodak Marxvad (organ of Sharad Patil) which appeared in Marathi around the late 1980s. This was further refined, together with an analysis of Ambedkar which developed into the rough draft written in about 1994, on the basis of which the CPI(ML)(PW) brought out the caste policy document; the first of its kind ever.Meanwhile Anuradha had shifted to Nagpur; and after a few years shifted her residence to the main dalit basti of the city, which was also the heart of dalit politics in Maharashtra. Here she lived a full decade working amongst the dalits, living amongst them, and organising them. This brought her into close contact with the dalit movement and the issues they faced. This gave her a living understanding of the problem,
which, combined with her theoretical study helped evolve an indepth knowledge of the issue. The Indora basti had a vibrant political atmosphere and as the bulk of the population were from very poor background they easily took to the radical understanding of the caste question. Through the 1980s and 1990s the waves of radical revolts at an all Maharashtra level created the fertile ground in Indora which helped Anuradha radicalize the youth of the over one-lakh basti. First it was the wave of struggles against the banning of Ambedkar’s book ‘Riddles in Hinduism’, then the continuous mass militant outbursts for the renaming of Marathwada University as Ambedkar University; then there was the 4-day paralysis of entire Maharashtra after the firing by police and killing of 11 innocent
dalits at the Rama Bai Ambedkar Nagar in Mumbai after Ambedkar’s statue had been garlanded by chappals by some miscreants; and recently too there was the outburst against the brutal murder of dalits at Khairlanji, Bhandara district. Anuradha was there amidst all these revolts playing
some role organising, writing, analysing and getting deeply involved in the struggles of the dalits of Maharashtra. This ferment amongst dalits was evident in Indora and the songs by Vilas Gogre on all these issues captured the imagination of the youth of Indora. Anuradha was at the forefront tirelessly working for the awakening of dalits, inspiring them to a life of self-respect, dignity and new selfconfidence.They began to not only stand up against upper-caste humiliation and class oppression but also publicly challenge the top dalit leaders for their reformist politics. She brought out the positive aspects of Ambedkar, while being critical of his constitutional approach. When the politics of revolution began to grip the masses of Indora the rulers got panicky and unleashed repression in the entire basti and on all activist.All cultural programmes were defacto banned; meetings were prevented;
all activists were hounded and many arrested. Through all this Anuradha became one of the most sought after speakers at any dalit function. The repression had a dampening effect on the activities, yet the populace was awakened to a new alternative path for change. And with each speech more and more dalit forces got attracted to the politics of Naxalbari and the Marxist radical approach to the caste question in India. But, with the growing repression and the State forces particularly beginning to target her, she gave up her university job and went underground. After a stint of three years with the Bastar tribals her last three to four years of her life was again amongst a completely new batch of Ambedkari forces once again winning them over to the politics of Naxalbari.

Ideological and Political Contributions

Anuradha played many roles in the long span of her revolutionary life from being a mass leader to an underground Party organiser. She was associated with the formation of VPS (Vidyarthi Pragati Sangathan), CPDR, AILRC, NBS (Naujavan Bharat Sabha), Stree Chetna, AMKU (Akhil Mahrashtra Kamgar Union) and numerous other mass organisations, primarily in Maharashtra. But whatever her role she was a consistent and prolific writer. She was closely associated with the
revolutionary student magazine, KALAM, which achieved a countrywide image. This magazine was brought out in both English and Marathi. She was the main person behind the revolutionary Hindi magazine, Jan Sangram, brought out from Nagpur. She contributed regular articles, under various pseudonyms, to the revolutionary magazines, like Vanguard, People’s March, etc. She wrote for the local Marathi Party magazine Jahirnama and for a period was in charge of its publication. She also
wrote many theoretical and ideological pieces particularly associated with the dalit and women’s question. Besides, she conducted many a polemic on this question with both, those taking a dalit/post-modernist view on the question and with Marxists who took a hostile view. This she wrote in both English and Marathi. As already mentioned it was she who wrote the original draft for the policy paper on the caste question in India by the erstwhile CPI (ML)(PW). This was the first such policy paper by a revolutionary communist party. More recently she wrote a polemical/ analytical piece on bourgeois feminism, bringing out its various manifestations. She was also instrumental in the preparation of the Women’s Perspective of the CPI (Maoist) adopted recently by the Party.
It was she who drafted many a March 8th statement of the Party. Her major ideological contributions have been the enrichment of the Marxist understanding on the caste question and dalit oppression and
also various facets of the women’s movement, particularly a detailed analysis of bourgeois feminism. She was also instrumental in playing a major role in framing the Women’s Perspective of the Maoist Party. The uniqueness of Anuradha was that she was not merely a theoretician but combined theory with extensive practical experience. This was particularly noticeable on both the dalit and women’s questions.There was not even a short time when she was not writing something linked with the movement. She was a regular contributor to many magazines in English, Hindi and Marathi. Many of her articles and writings have also been translated into other languages. She also spoke a number
of languages being fluent in English, Hindi and Marathi, with a good knowledge of Gujarati and even understood Telugu, Kannada and Gondi.

Conclusion

Anuradha’s contributions to the Indian revolutionary movement, and particularly the movement in Maharashtra, have been substantial. She had the rare qualities of being not only an effective leader in the field, but combining it with significant ideological and political contributions. And as her long-standing comrade Vijay said, she had that uniqueness in being able to connect with a vast spectrum of people and thereby bridge so many social groups with the revolution. Most important she had many of
the qualities any genuine communist should inculcate — extreme straightforwardness,modesty, selflessness, disciplined and hardworking, and unwavering commitment to the revolution. Finally, her liveliness and childlike simplicity made her a most lovable person, leaving an indelible impact
on anyone she met, even once. To grow to such heights in this deeply patriarchal society, is a source
for enormous inspiration to all women comrades and activists. Her life and work will remain as an important chapter in India’s revolutionary movement and will continue to inspire people to the cause of revolution.Though her untimely death extinguished a glowing star, the rays will linger on to illumine the path towards a just and equitable new order.Anuradha will continue to live on in hearts